![]() | Medical Assistance to Self-settled Refugees (Tropical Institute Antwerp, 1998) |
![]() | ![]() | 3. The refugee-crisis: between self-reliance and pragmatic assistance |
![]() | ![]() | Late arrivals: the subsequent minor waves, 1992-95 |
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The refugees who arrived in 1990-91 were fundamentally different from those who came in 1992-95. The needs of the late arrivals were more Important while the efficiency of their own coping mechanisms decreased. Tab compares the main characteristics of the early and the late arrivals.
Box I: Noonah refugee camp & informed consent to non-assistance
Noonah is a small Guinean village. Most of the forest around is part of the Sacred Forest, where only people initiated through local rites may enter. UNHCR established Noonah camp to resettle the new refugees. Only 8,000 refugees accepted the move, as the camp offered hardly any access to farmland or labour opportunities. The remainder, some 19,000, refused to move to Noonah, in full knowledge of the fact that by doing so they would not be entitled to free food or free medical care. They became officially unregistered refugees. This is a case of 'informed consent to non-assistance' because the pre-conditions unilaterally imposed by UNHCR were not acceptable to the refugees. This refusal was partly due to the bad track record the relief system had in the eyes of many refugees. The refugees did not trust UNHCR and its implementing agencies when they promised that refugees would get full relief rations in Noonah camp. Previously, they had indeed not been capable to supply food as scheduled. Many refugees judged rightly that their chances to develop economic self-sufficiency in Noonah camp were slim, and preferred to opt out and rely on themselves rather than on the relief system. UNHCR was so strict because it could not distinguish between 'real new refugees' and 'false new refugees' ('older' refugees trying to register twice or Guineans trying to get registered as refugees). The physical separation of the new refugees from the old ones was indeed a solution to this problem, as very few 'false new refugees' would ever accept to move to Noonah camp. However, it also excluded a large number of 'real new refugees' from registration. The refugees who opted out were probably those who had better chances of coping and becoming self-sufficient. Many who settled in Noonah camp moved back to where they had first settled, or into the Guinean villages around Noonah; they would only return to the camp on the days of food distribution. During 1995, the refugees who refused to move to Noonah camp were
proved right. Although Noonah camp was prioritised for food distributions, these
were insufficient and malnutrition became highly prevalent. In 1995, the
situation deteriorated in many areas, but in Noonah camp the situation was worse
than elsewhere, and took longer to redress. |
Table 8: Characteristics of the refugees and their reception, 1990-95
Early arrivals, 1990-91 |
Late arrivals, 1992-95 |
Nature of the refugees | |
When hostilities reached their area of residence, people fled to
Guinea as a first choice. They lived close to the border and had ethnic links,
often family, in Guinea. |
When hostilities reached their area of residence, people first
struggled to remain within their country. Only when this became impossible, they
fled to Guinea (internally displaced, then refugees). Sometimes they included
refugees who had returned to their country but had to flee again (refugees,
returnees, and then re-refugees). |
General condition of the refugees | |
Refugees were generally in good condition. Refugees arrived in
relatively homogeneous groups of people of the same ethnic group. |
Many refugees arrived malnourished, and in poor health. Many
families were split before arrival. Refugees arrived in heterogeneous groups of
mixed ethnicity that did not originally live together. |
Characteristics of the reception in the host
area | |
The refugees arrived in areas inhabited by relatives and where no
refugees had yet arrived. The reception of the refugees by the host population
was in general very generous. |
The host population was already supporting large numbers of
refugees. Kinship relations between newly arrived refugees and their hosts were
weak or non-existent. The hosts often considered areas of arrival 'saturated'
with refugees. |
The aid system was not yet in place in the area of arrival and no
registration of refugees had taken place previously. |
The relief system was already in place and earlier arrivals had
been registered. 'Registration = food aid' - logic was already
installed. |
Most refugees did not expect relief, nor did their
hosts. |
As internally displaced, some refugees had already received food
aid. On arrival in Guinea they expected the 'international community' to take
care of them. The local population and the refugees already present counted on
aid from the relief system for the new refugees. |
Mode of settlement in the host area | |
Self-settlement among host population: |
UNHCR tried to keep old and new refugees separate. It prepared
camp sites at a distance from the border, and new refugees had to settle there
to be registered. The populations of these camps were mixed and were supported
by the relief system. After some time, these camps often became 'ghost camps'.
Vulnerable refugees and dependants often remained in the camps. When food
distributions took place, refugees returned to the
camps. |