 | Used Clothes as Development Aid: The Political Economy of Rags (SIDA) |
 |  | (introduction...) |
|  | Introduction |
| | (introduction...) |
| | Four possible positions |
| | Our plan of analysis |
| | Possible empirical questions |
| | Theoretical questions |
| | The organization of the report |
| | Our conclusions |
| | Acknowledgments |
| | Part I: The used-clothes trade |
| | Chapter 1: Used-clothes exports |
| | Worldwide textile and clothing trade, including Third World exports |
| | Worldwide gross and net used-clothes exports, 1984-'93 |
| | Twenty-four net used-clothes exporting countries, 1984-'93 |
| | Gross exports of 127 countries or trading territories in 1990 |
| | Commercial used-clothes exporters: the ''rag merchants'' |
| | Charitable used-clothes (and other) exports |
| | Sweden's used-clothes collections, exports, and imports |
| | Summary and conclusions |
| | Chapter 2: Used-Clothes Imports |
| | (introduction...) |
| | Ninety net used-clothes importing countries, 1984-'93 |
| | Gross imports of 181 countries or trading territories in 1990 |
| | Distribution of used clothes in Rwanda |
| | Distribution of used clothes in Zambia |
| | Summary and conclusions |
| | Chapter 3: The general context of the used-clothes trade |
| | (introduction...) |
| | Popular images: producer organizations, labor unions, and the mass media |
| | A possibly more balanced, African media view |
| | National government used-clothes trade policies and practices |
| | Summary and conclusions |
| | Chapter 4: NGO attitudes and involvement in the used-clothes trade |
| | (introduction...) |
| | The naked truth (1988): PS and UFF used-clothes exports to Mozambique |
| | Another slightly out-of-date example: the Swedish Red Cross (1992) |
| | Combining commercial used-clothes sales with development projects (UFF) |
| | Non-Swedish and international NGO attitudes towards used-clothes exports |
| | Commercial ''for-profit'' involvement in used-clothes collection and distribution |
| | Summary and conclusions |
| | Part II-A: Analysis of the effects of the used-clothes trade in general |
| | Chapter 5: Theoretical welfare effects of unsubsidized imports |
| | (introduction...) |
| | Initial assumptions: Perfect markets (full employment of resources), free trade |
| | Why are used-clothes imports welfare-maximizing? (Real goods are real income) |
| | Our analytic strategy |
| | Government support via production subsidy to capture positive externality |
| | Other arguments for protection of infant industries |
| | Production subsidy effects on exporting, and benefits |
| | Less than fully functioning markets: Unemployment |
| | Government support via import tariffs |
| | The negative side-effect of tariffs |
| | Less than fully functioning markets: Unemployment again |
| | Conclusions |
| | Chapter 6: Empirical welfare effects of unsubsidized imports |
| | (introduction...) |
| | Haggblade's analysis of the economic effects of used-clothes imports in Rwanda |
| | Global extensions of Haggblade's analysis, including a multi-market model |
| | Conclusion |
| | Chapter 7: A brief history and sociology of the used-clothes trade |
| | (introduction...) |
| | LDCs: Hansen's study of used clothes in modern Zambia |
| | The re-use of second-hand goods in modern industrial countries |
| | Lemire's study of the used-clothes trade in eighteenth century Britain |
| | Used clothes for disaster relief |
| | Conclusions |
| | Part II-B: Analysis of the effects of subsidizing used-clothes imports |
| | Chapter 8: Theoretical welfare effects of subsidized imports |
| | (introduction...) |
| | Introduction of a freight subsidy |
| | The positive externality (infant industry) argument again |
| | Less than fully functioning markets: Unemployment yet again |
| | Distributional effects: Benefiting the poor |
| | Import subsidy effects on exporting, and benefits |
| | If there is no domestic clothes production |
| | Dumping, and other cautions regarding who gets the subsidy, and how |
| | Conclusions |
| | Chapter 9: Alternative costs and best use of cash and clothes |
| | (introduction...) |
| | The cost of the freight subsidy |
| | The alternative cost of the freight subsidy: Cash |
| | Best use of the cash |
| | Best use of the clothes |
| | Situations where freight subsidies would be warranted: Catastrophes, no supply |
| | Conclusions |
| | Part III: Summary and policy recommendations |
| | Summary |
| | Policy recommendations |
| | Appendices |
| | Appendix 1: Terms of reference for the study |
| | Appendix 2: Statistical tables |
| | Appendix 3: Notes on statistical problems and their implications |
| | Appendix 4: Some philosophical notes |
| | Appendix 5: Some labor and mass media views |
| | Appendix 6: National trade policies |
| | Appendix 7: Swedish NGOs |
| | Appendix 8: Food aid as an example of commodity aid |
| | Appendix 9: The used-clothes trade in eighteenth century britain |
| | References |
Policy recommendations
Thus we recommend the following policies regarding Sida subsidies for NGO export of used clothes:
1. In general, no subsidies should be given for export of used clothes, particularly if the clothes are to be sold on the market. If the organizations or projects which would have benefited financially are judged worthy of support, such support should be given directly.
2. In the case of targeting particular population groups - "the poorest of the poor" - more effective, better-targeted projects should be encouraged.
a. NGOs should be encouraged to sell their surplus used-clothes stocks into the commercial "rag merchant" network - as is widely done in most other industrial countries.
b. The proceeds, plus whatever subsidies Sida might have given for used-clothes exports, should be devoted to projects.
3. In catastrophe situations, freight subsidies for used-clothes exports should be given only as a last resort - if no better and more immediate source of supply is available. NGOs should be encouraged to find supplies as close to the scene as possible; the use of cheap new clothes should be explored for this purpose.
4. In any cases in which subsidies for used-clothes exports are given, plans should be scrutinized, and results monitored, with the following questions in mind:
a. In catastrophe situations, how has it been ascertained that local production and other closer sources are insufficient to meet the need?b. Have other alternatives been explored - such as importing from neighboring countries, commercial imports of used clothes, etc.?
c. If used-clothes are to be used for project aid with "the poorest of the poor", how are the target groups to be selected? How will distribution be monitored to be sure that they are in fact the recipients?
d. How has it been determined that they in fact have no presence in the market?
e. How were their needs ascertained? Is their highest priority used clothes? Or, for example, would they rather have the cash? If so, is there any other project possible - perhaps an income-generating project - which could more effectively use the financial resources and volunteer effort available?
f. How will the clothes be sorted to make sure that they match local needs?
g. Will the recipients be monitored to discover if there is any resale activity?
5. Any changes from current policy should be made in a carefully planned manner, so as not to lose the benefits which undoubtedly do accrue from subsidized charitable exports of used clothes, and which might be lost without compensating gains if policy changes are made precipitously.
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