|Traditional Sex Education in Tanzania (WAZAZI, 1991, 82 p.)|
Because the groups surveyed were at the same low level of technological development, most were superficially similar. But their social fabric was complex, made up of elaborate rules of behavior intertwined with rituals, taboos, magic, and divination. In these low-technology societies, ritual, myth, and magic took the place of science in providing the framework of understanding within which people lived their lives. Rituals and myth surrounded even ordinary activities like farming, herding, fishing, and forging tools.
Sexual development carried special ritual and mythic significance, for at least three reasons: All the communities saw sex as a source of supreme pleasure.
All had a religious awe of sex as the source of life itself-of the ability of individuals to reproduce and the ability of their community to perpetuate itself.
All valued sex as the source of kinship/affinity relationships, the basis of solidarity, reciprocity, and cooperation.
Traditional societies consequently educated their children about sex in the holistic context of educating them about life-preparing them for life.
The report analyzes sexual life in these communities, using a sociological framework borrowed from the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. This helps to clarify the social order underlying sexual life in each community-the range of groups concerned with it, the cultural values to which it was linked, the cultural code that marked its customs, and the educational system that sustained it.
Though education was informal, each community had a clearly defined curriculum, a set of teaching methodologies, and an evaluation system.
The curriculum was basic facts about sex.
The methodologies were diverse and all-pervasive, stretching over a lifetime. The household was the primary agency, but virtually all clan institutions were involved at one stage or another. Group members learned by living their roles; they acquired knowledge as they applied it. They absorbed skills and values unconsciously through institutions that were apparently neutral-but the apparent neutrality was just what made them such effective transmitters of the dominant ideology.
Finally, the evaluation system was pragmatic. Sex education was measured by results-by whether it produced, for the most part, sexually satisfied couples heading happy families, able to maintain productive households socially acceptable within the clan.
All the models studied had strengths. All also had two inherent weaknesses, perpetuated along with the strengths. One was group members lack of contact with the outside world and limited access to information, which enabled the elders, as custodians of the clan heritage, to wield heavy-handed control over women and children. The other was the traditional division of labor that gave women lesser tasks and lower social status than men. This, too, was exploited by male elders as a means to remain in power.
The report ends with some broad conclusions and recommendations:
· Since most Tanzanians see sexuality holistically, sex education should be approached through life education - in which sex is an integral element, not the whole.
· Sex education should remain largely informal, with parents as the primary educators of their children.
· Parents teaching should be supplemented with formal courses, particularly when young people enter important new phases of their lives, such as adolescence or marriage.
· Formal sex education should identify and consciously incorporate the best features of informal education, to insure its relevance and impact.
· Under the coordinating umbrella of WAZAZI, national and private institutions should pool resources to develop a cadre of trained specialized counselors - modem walombo/wanyago - to be assigned to key training institutions.
· WAZAZI should encourage and assist the development of youth organizations under these responsible walombo/wanyago. Religious institutions can play an important role in this effort.