4. Accessibility to skill training in the informal sector
4.1 The informal apprenticeship
The informal (traditional) apprenticeship system in Kenya has
its roots in the Indian craftsmen imported into the country at the turn of the
century to help the British Colonial Government construct a railway line linking
the seaport of Mombasa with the interior of the country (King, 1977). With the
completion of the railway line, the Indian craftsmen stayed and formed the basis
of skilled technical manpower in the country. Their skills were needed to
maintain the railway system, operate and maintain factories that were being
started to provide goods and services, and construct buildings for the settler
community (King, 1977). People from the local communities were initially engaged
as labourers on the railway construction project but gradually, by working
alongside the Indians, acquired enough trade skills to work as semi-skilled and,
later, as skilled workers.
A key characteristic of informal skill training in Kenya has
been its relative ease of entry. According to King (1977), people in the East
African region had not developed long traditions of craftsmanship and the
inherent need to protect the skills from others in order to ensure continued
patronage, had not been ingrained in them. Entry then, as now, was based on
kinship, friendship, and philanthropy (Ferej, 1994). Informal apprenticeship in
Kenya had no rigid rules or time constraints about the duration an apprentice
would take to learn the trade. Once a learner entered into an apprenticeship his
acquisition of skills would depend entirely on his aptitude, and the quantity
and variety of work the owner/trainer was undertaking. A trainee could exit and
seek employment elsewhere or start his or her own business, at any point he or
she felt ready. In some cases the owner/trainer re-negotiated with the
apprentice new terms, as the apprentice became more skilled. The fee structure
too is quite flexible as the fees may range from nothing to amounts sometimes
equivalent to high school annual fees (King, 1977; Ferej, 1994).
Another characteristic of the Kenyan apprenticeship system is
the low regard for formal certification, unlike in some West African countries.
The worth of the craftsman is measured in the quality of work he does (King,
1977).
With this flexible, non-protectionist mentality, trade skills
have spread very rapidly in Kenya. The public has been the beneficiary of the
abundance of skills as technical services are fairly cheap to obtain within the
informal sector. The abundance of skilled craftsmen has helped to provide some
essential skills in the rural regions of the country as well. Some of the
skilled workers return to their rural village homes and set themselves up to
offer services that were either unavailable or too expensive to obtain. Another
important contribution of the informal apprenticeship system is the opportunity
for large numbers of youth to obtain skill training with little cost to both the
learner and employer, and at no cost to the taxpayer. It would be impossible for
the current training capacity to absorb all the youth that are now obtaining
training from the informal apprenticeship system.
4.2 The formal apprenticeship training system
An alternative route into apprenticeship training is through a
government-sanctioned programme. In 1973, the government enacted legislation to
formalize the apprenticeship training system through a comprehensive National
Industrial Training Scheme for the training of craft apprentices. The scheme was
based on the Industrial Training Act of 1973 (GOK, 1973), whose main objectives
were to organize and ensure quality training of apprentices. Prospective
trainees must meet minimum entry qualifications, currently pegged to secondary
school certification, and must have a sponsoring company that would provide the
work experience component of the training.
To encourage industries to train their workers in accordance
with the new training scheme, a levy was introduced whereby all medium and large
companies would be required to contribute. Those who provided training for their
workers would be entitled to a reimbursement at the end of the year from the
fund. The government presently encourages contributing firms to take on
apprentices without any obligation to retain them at the end of the four years
of apprenticeship. Presently a very small number of youth obtain training
through this system. Between 1990 and 1996 a total of 4,468 craft apprentices
were trained through the system (Ferej, 1997). This is an average of 750 persons
per year. Many of the youth accessing training through the formal apprenticeship
system nevertheless find themselves in the informal sector because the
industries that sponsored them during their training period are not obligated to
keep them at the end of training.
During the apprenticeship period the learners are required to
take trade tests at appropriate levels of the programme. The lowest competency
level awarded is at Grade 3 and Grade 1 is the highest level. The system of
trade testing was started after the Second World War to provide a means of
assessing skills and providing a hierarchical grading system to distinguish
competency levels of skilled workers.
Some corporations, like the railways, started their own schools
to train workers in skills pertinent to them. Nevertheless these apprentices
still take trade tests as a means of defining their standards. It should also be
pointed out that since the trade test is mostly a practical examination,
individuals who acquire skills through the informal apprenticeship system can
take the test and legitimize their status, and secure pay commensurate with
their skills in the modern sector.
4.3 The learning process in apprenticeship
training
Most of the learning in apprenticeship training takes place on
the job. In the case of formal apprenticeship training, the Industrial Training
Act in Kenya mandates vocational college attendance for about six months in each
year. The learning process for the apprentice involves observing, or actually
working on tasks. Within the informal sector no time limits are imposed.
Apprentices progress at their own pace and can exit whenever they feel they have
acquired sufficient skills. A unique feature of apprenticeship training is that
learning is inextricably linked to productive work or economic activity, that is
in sharp contrast with learning in school laboratories, where the learner's
activities are focused on educational outcomes (Wertsch, et al., 1984). Further,
the work environment of the apprentice has an important bearing on the type,
depth, and the speed by which knowledge and skills are acquired by the
apprentice.
The breadth and depth of the Craft Master's knowledge and skills
as well as those of the other journeymen will, to a large extent, determine the
knowledge and skills the apprentices acquire. Additionally the social
interaction between the apprentice and the journeymen (skill superiors) and
other apprentices is also crucial to the overall development of the apprentice.
Overall the contextual factor will determine the quality of technical and
enterprise skills of the apprentices as well as their entrepreneurial interests.
This factor is even more critical in the training of apprentices in the informal
sector, where the learners do not have another frame of reference. Each
apprentice works and learns in an environment that is unique to the specific
business. Ultimately this is the experiences the apprentice will take with them
in starting their own business.
4.4 Influence of the work environment on enterprise skill
acquisition
For most apprentices, learning how to run a business is usually
outside the immediate requirement of their training. The standard practice is to
be involved in learning those tasks that are relevant to the technical
processes, for example learning to manufacture a component or a piece of
furniture or learning to repair a broken piece of equipment. However each
apprentice, depending on his or her keenness of observation or interest, will
learn other business activities by simply being immersed in the environment for
prolonged periods of time. In addition to an individual sense of observation,
the type of the environment and the size of the enterprise will also impact on
the quality and quantity of general entrepreneurial knowledge acquired.
In a small enterprise the close proximity of the owner/master to
the workers provides the apprentice with an opportunity to observe many business
activities. Customers in small enterprise environments tend to wander into the
working area either to be shown products that would guide them in what to order,
or to observe work being done. Important discussions are often held between the
owner and the customer regarding costs, quality, deadlines, etc. Inadvertently
the apprentices pick up critical information that would come in handy in the
future when in their own businesses. Journeymen and senior apprentices also
conduct work negotiations on behalf of the owners and thus directly acquire
valuable business experience (McLaughlin, in OECD, 1990). This situation may not
occur in a large enterprise. The workers seldom see the owners of the products
they are working on. In such establishments signs are prominently displayed at
the door to the work floor warning customers not to enter the area due to the
risk of injuries. The shop workers are also often not aware of billing
procedures and the actual fee customers pay for services. An apprentice learning
in such an environment is, therefore, at a distinct disadvantage to his
counterparts from small and informal enterprises who have plenty of
opportunities to observe and participate in other activities related to the
enterprise other than production work alone.
4.5 Quality of apprenticeship training
As explained earlier, apprentices in a formal setting often lack
the variety of enterprise experiences that small informal-sector enterprises
offer. Consequently apprentices trained in the formal sector or through the
formal apprenticeship programme might lack critical skills needed in setting up
their own enterprises. While the informal sector apprenticeship training offers
its trainees more advantages than other formal apprenticeship in preparation for
work, it too has some disadvantages. How much a learner acquires is critically
dependent on the work environment, the breadth and depth of the sum total of the
experiences of those in the unit, and the variety of the work involved. Clearly,
therefore, the apprentice mirrors his work environment and if it is rich, then
he will come out better trained than apprentices who were involved in a lesser
environment. There is indeed a role for intervention programmes to enrich the
knowledge and skills of the apprentices whose learning is only based on the job.
The intervention could take the form of filling the gaps in business knowledge
for owner entrepreneurs and work skills for apprentices or journeymen. Such
interventions will have a multiplier effect as the next generation of
apprentices will receive a higher level of knowledge and skills from
entrepreneurs and craftsmen who would have had the benefit of outside training.
This is precisely the gap which the MSETTP, sponsored by the World Bank, expects
to fill by catalyzing the market in the informal sector to develop training
providers that respond to the need of the sector.
4.6 The Micro and Small Enterprise Training and Technology
Project (MSETTP)
Unlike the programmes discussed previously, the MSETTP is a
one-off intervention project that is being implemented with the assistance of
the World Bank. Its main objective is to establish a market for training and
promote business development. Hereto, public and private sector trainers avoided
the sector because of the perception that it was incapable of using, as well as
paying, for such services. The MSETTP project has shown that serving the
informal sector can be an attractive business. Sustainability is expected to
develop through the micro and small enterprises appreciating the value of
training and having the information to seek training to fill identified gaps in
their operations. The MSETTP project expects to impart this culture by reducing
their subsidy for repeat applicants for assistance.
The MSETTP Voucher Training Programme (VTP) was initiated in
1997. The project involved the cataloguing of all interested qualified training
providers and the type of training that they could provide. Participants in the
micro and small enterprise sector who were interested in specific training
programmes were then invited to apply for desired training by completing
appropriate forms. Successful applicants are required to pay 10 per cent of the
cost of training to the administrators of the programme. The applicant
identifies the training and the provider of his choice from the official
catalogue of training providers. Once training has been provided, the training
provider redeems the forms for reimbursement from funds provided by the World
Bank. By mid-1998, about 4,000 vouchers had been issued indicating that the same
number of persons had received various types of training that ranged from
technical skills to managerial skills acquisition (MRTT&T, 1998). The first
phase of the programme indicated that 85 per cent of the training was provided
by master craftworkers. This is encouraging because it indicates the respect
these hereto ignored informal-sector operators command. A danger exists,
however, if the craftsmen find that training is so lucrative that they spend
more time on training than actual work. This would effectively kill the whole
concept of working on actual customer work while learning. The long-term impact
of the programme cannot be assessed yet. The idea, however, is to encourage the
operators of the informal sector to value training for specific needs, know
where to obtain training and be willing to pay for such training. This can only
be effectively judged when the MSETTP stimulus is removed.
The programme me also includes a technology component that
envisages a system where locally developed tools and systems of work can be
encouraged to solve specific problems. This phase is just starting and the
component has been sub-contracted to the Kenya Industrial Research and
Development Institute (KIRDI) for implementation (MRTT&T,
1998).