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View the documentThe Paradoxical Profession: Teaching at the Turn of the Century
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PUBLICATIONS

PROSPECTS, vol. XXX, no. 2, June 2000
(Issue Number 114)

OPEN FILE

quarterly review of comparative education

Editorial by Juan Carlos Tedesco

VIEWPOINTS/CONTROVERSIES

A renewed sense for the purposes of schooling: the challenges of education and social cohesion in Asia, Africa, Latin America, Europe and Central Asia Stephen P. Heynemann and Sanja Todoric-Bebic

OPEN FILE: PROFESSIONALISM IN TEACHING

The paradoxical profession: teaching at the turn of the century Andy Hargreaves and Leslie N.K.Lo

The principled professional Ivor F. Goodson

Strategic intentions for professionals in world-class schools Brian J. Caldwell

Professionals and parents: personal adversaries or public allies Andy Hargreaves

When teaching changes, can teacher education be far behind? Miriam Ben-Peretz

Professional development in the United States: policies and practices Ann Liebermann and Milbrey McLaughlin

Educational reform and teacher development in Hong Kong and on the Chinese mainland Leslie N.K. Lo

From agents of reform to subjects of change: the teaching crossroads in Latin America Rosa MarTorres

The Paradoxical Profession: Teaching at the Turn of the Century

Andy Hargreaves and Leslie N.K. Lo

Andy Hargreaves (Canada)

Director and Professor at the International Centre for Educational Change at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. He is founding co-director of Professional Actions and Cultures of Teaching (PACT), from which the content of this issue is drawn. His book Changing teachers, changing times received the 1995 Outstanding Writing Award from the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education. He is editor-in-chief of the new Journal of educational change and also initiating editor and co-editor of the International handbook for educational change. Among his other recent books are Teachers' professional lives (with Ivor Goodson) and What's worth fighting for out there? (with Michael Fullan).

Leslie N.K. Lo (Hong Kong)

Director, Hong Kong Institute of Educational Research and Professor, Department of Educational Administration and Policy, Chinese University of Hong Kong. He has contributed to a variety of research and development projects covering educational reform, school effectiveness and relevance education in Hong Kong and China. His articles on educational policies and reform can be found in a range of academic journals. He is on the editorial boards of several academic journals, and has been appointed guest professor at fifteen higher education institutions in China. He works with Brian Caldwell of the University of Melbourne as co-international director of PACT.

Introduction

Teaching is a paradoxical profession. Indeed, today it is a uniquely paradoxical profession. Of all the jobs that are professions or aspire to be so, teaching is the only one that is now charged with the formidable task of creating the human skills and capacities that will enable societies to survive and succeed in the age of information. Even - and especially - in developing countries, it is teachers, more than anybody, who are expected to build learning communities, create the knowledge society and develop the capacities for innovation, flexibility and commitment to change that are essential to economic prosperity in the twenty-first century.

At the same time, public expenditure, public welfare and public education are among the first expendable casualties of the slimmed-down state that informational societies and their economies seem to require. Just when the very most is expected of them, teachers appear to be being given less support, less respect, and less opportunity to be creative, flexible and innovative than before.

Teachers, in other words, are caught in a dilemma. They are expected to be leading catalysts of the informational society, yet they are also one of its prime casualties. This is a daily challenge for teachers themselves and a policy challenge for those who want to reform and improve teaching. The papers that we have drawn together for this Open File in Prospects address the paradoxes that affect the present and future state of teaching, and they also examine what a new professionalism might or should look like in these seemingly paradoxical, uncertain and rapidly changing times.

Each of the papers wrestles with the ideas behind and the conflicting realities of teacher professionalism in today's post-modern, informational society. Ivor Goodson, for example, searches for what he calls a more principled professionalism. This professionalism, he argues, should not copy the classical professionalism of law or medicine which might lead to teachers becoming self-serving and remote from the children and communities they serve, nor should it become so practically focussed that teachers cannot understand or connect with the world beyond the walls of their school. Brian Caldwell looks for a 'Third Way' in teaching, one that can somehow forge a path between and beyond the recent rivalries of market and State. Can we move beyond a situation where teachers are secure (but also dependent) State employees on the one hand, or temporary-contracted self-developing entrepreneurs who create (but can also become too preoccupied with) their own careers on the other? Andy Hargreaves suggests that teachers might best build confidence in their own work, as well as create stronger public and taxation support for it, if they open up more to parents and communities and develop a new social movement for educational change. Leslie Lo, meanwhile examines how well the Western idea of professionalism does or does not equate with Asian traditions of teaching in Hong Kong and mainland China.

Catalysts and casualties

Since the start of mass schooling and with its spread across the world, public education has been repeatedly burdened with the expectation that it can save society. Schools and their teachers have been expected to save children from poverty and destitution; to rebuild nationhood in the aftermath of war; to develop universal literacy as a platform for economic survival; to create skilled workers even when there is little demand for them; to develop tolerance amongst children in nations where adults are divided by religious and ethnic conflict; to cultivate democratic sentiments in societies that bear the scars of totalitarianism; to keep developed nations economically competitive and help developing ones to become so; and, as the United States' Goals 2000 for education proclaimed, the way educators prepare the generations of the future should eliminate drug dependency, end violence in schools and seemingly make restitution for all the sins of the present generation.

In the thirty years following the Second World War II, education in the world's leading economies was widely viewed as an investment in human capital, in scientific and technological development, in a commitment to progress (Halsey, Floyd & Anderson, 1961). Booming demographics in what Eric Hobsbawm (1995) calls 'the golden age of history' led to a call for more teachers, optimism about the power of education, and pride in being a professional as a young generation of teachers developed the bargaining power to raise their salaries, became an increasingly well qualified and more graduate-based profession, and were accorded greater status and sometimes flexibility and discretion in how they performed their work. This was what one of us has called the age of the autonomous professional (Hargreaves, 2000) when many teachers benefited from expanding populations, prosperous economies and benign governments.

Developing countries inherited rather different legacies, however, and had a disproportionately tiny share of the world's wealth with which to address them. Aid was directed largely at establishing and extending basic primary or elementary education and to creating the fundamental literacy levels that were regarded as essential for attaining economic 'lift off' and independence. But resources were limited, class sizes were (and often still are) overwhelming, technologies could be basic in the extreme (with stones for seats and sand for chalkboards in some cases), and teacher qualifications and expertise were poor. At the secondary level, smaller elites often learned the curricula of their colonial masters. They were taught it in ways that separated them from their experience and, as a result, drew them away from their own people (Willinsky, 1998). Teaching remained confined to what one of us has termed a pre-professional age (Hargreaves, 2000), where poorly paid and ill-prepared teachers had a restricted range of teaching strategies. These might have suited the immediate circumstances, but they also became ingrained in teachers' and other people's imaginations as the only possible way to teach.

The oil crisis of 1973 and the collapse of Keynesian economics brought an end to optimistic educational assumptions in many of the developed economies of the West. Education suddenly became the problem, not the solution. Welfare states began to collapse, and, with them, resources for education in debt-burdened economies. Western nations turned inward and many lost their confidence as they were cast into the shadows of the rising Asian economies. Meanwhile, demographics went into reverse, student populations shrank, teachers lost their market attraction and bargaining power, and the bulk of the remaining teaching force began to age.

In academic circles, pessimism about the power of education as an agent of social change defined the mood of the times. Christopher Jencks (1972) argued, on the basis of large quantitative data sets, that education did little to remedy social inequalities. Basil Bernstein's (1976) seemingly prophetic argument that 'education cannot compensate for society' began to strike many chords, and Popkewitz (1998) argued that history repeatedly assigned misplaced faith in schools as agents of social redemption.

Having once been the crucible of social optimism, education now became a target for purging, despair and panic. Where there had been little previous tradition of it, governments tried to link education more closely to business, work, science and technology. Structures were reorganized, resources slimmed down and policies of market choice and competition between schools began to proliferate. Curriculum control was often tightened and, in some places, linked to the explicit task of re-establishing pride in the nation. Change became ubiquitous and was implemented with an escalating sense of urgency. And teachers were blamed for everything by everybody-by governments, by media and by the newly instituted league tables of school performance that shamed the 'worst' of them (usually those who taught children in the poorest communities).

The result was extensive pressure on teachers whose average age in many OECD countries by the early 1990s was well into the 40s (OECD, 1998). Burnout, morale problems and stress levels all increased (Dinham & Scott, 1997; Vanden Berghe & Huberman, 1999)-even in countries like Japan where educational reform cycles started later (Fujita & Wang, 1997). Many teachers started to feel deprofessionalized as the effects of reform and restructuring began to bite (Jeffrey & Woods, 1996; Nias, 1991; Hargreaves & Goodson, 1996). Teachers experienced more work, more regulation of their work, and more distractions from what they regarded as being the core to their work (teaching children) by the bureaucratic and form-filling burdens of administrative decentralization (Hargreaves, 1994; Helsby, 1998).

The economic miracle of the 'Asian Tigers' of Hong Kong, Singapore, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan, along with the rising sun of Japan, led Western policymakers to oversimplify the contributions of these societies' education systems to their economic success. International test results in math and science provoked sufficient public anxiety and provided necessary ammunition for Western governments to reform their education systems. This often led to greater standardization (and accompanying deprofessionalization), whereas the emerging information economies actually called for greater flexibility-as the unexpected economic downturns in and collapses of Asian currencies in the mid-to-late 1990s belatedly led them to recognize (Shimahara, 1997).

Meanwhile, all the educational downsizing and restructuring seemed to be no more helpful for reversing or ameliorating educational and social inequality than the movement of deckchairs might have been for saving the Titanic. Rates of child poverty expanded and exploded in the United Kingdom, the United States and elsewhere (Castells, 1996). There was no sign that restructuring measures narrowed the learning gap between schools in rich and poor communities (Wylie, 1994). And in sub-Saharan Africa and parts of South America especially, what Castells (1998) calls a Fourth World began to emerge. This is a world of absolute destitution; a succession of famines, epidemics and other ecological disasters; and inter-tribal genocide as the postcolonial era gave rise to (usually Western-supported) political dictatorships whose corrupt regimes divided their nations, marginalized their poor and personally sequestered most of the educational and other resources that economic aid agencies tried to give them. If the project of teacher professionalism was sometimes a cause for disappointment in developed nations, elsewhere it was all too often an unattainable dream.

Such have been the dubious educational legacies of the dying industrial and imperial era of modernization in the final quarter of the twentieth century. But, at the century's turn, a new economy and society, emerging from the ashes of old industrialism, has begun to take shape-what Castells (1996) calls the informational society. It is in this society that hopes for educational and social reconstruction are being widely invested in developed and developing countries-and schools and their teachers are vital to its core mission. As one of us argued in Changing teachers, changing times (Hargreaves, 1994), teaching is changing and must change in the post-modern age of information.

The informational economy and society is rooted in and driven by the development, expansion and circulation of globalized electronic, computer-based and digital information and entertainment.

In the industrial mode of development, the main source of productivity lies in the introduction of new energy sources, and in the ability to decentralize the use of energy throughout the production and circulation processes. In the new informational mode of development, the source of productivity lies in the technology of knowledge generation, information processing and symbolic communication. [...] What is specific to the informational mode of development is the action of knowledge upon knowledge itself as the main source of productivity [...] in a virtuous circle of interaction. [...] Industrialism is oriented toward economic growth, [...] towards maximizing output; informationalism is oriented towards technological development [...] towards the accumulation of knowledge (Castells, 1996, p.16-17).

It is not just that knowledge matters as a basis for scientific and technological expertise and control, as Daniel Bell (1973) imagined in his classic text on The coming of post-industrial society. Rather, in the constantly changing, self-creating informational society, knowledge is a flexible, fluid, ever-expanding and ever-shifting resource. It is not just a support for work and production, but the key form of work and production itself. These new ways of generating, processing and circulating knowledge are absolutely central to what many experts now call the learning society or knowledge society. And the role of education and teaching in such a society is absolutely vital.

Robert Reich (1992), President Clinton's former Secretary for Labour, described how the new shapers and drivers of the knowledge society would be the 'symbolic analysts' who would be able to solve and identify problems, think strategically, and communicate as well as work with others effectively. Such symbolic analysts, Reich argued, require forms of educational preparation that would enable them to be highly skilled in working with symbolic abstractions, in systems thinking (seeing how parts and whole, cause and effect are interrelated), creativity and experimentation, and collaboration (p.229-33). Schools and teachers, he argued, have served students and society poorly in failing to prepare many of them, especially the most disadvantaged, with these capacities.

Manuel Castells, an adviser on high-level expert 'Think Tanks' on social reform in Eastern Europe and the developing world, argues that becoming switched on to the informational society is just as important a priority in developing countries-if not more so. In the last decade or so, he notes, those countries most excluded from the informational economy, or who have been the latest starters with informational technology, have fared least well economically. Indeed, failure to invest in informational technology and to spread its access (with accompanying free flows of information) beyond the military to civil society, was one of the prime causes of the collapse of Soviet communism. Nations that do not participate in the informational society, he shows, will become increasingly marginalized by it. Teachers again, are central to developing the informational society everywhere.

Education is the key quality of labour; the new producers of informational capitalism are those knowledge generators and information processors whose contribution is most valuable to the firm, the region and the national economy (Castells, 1998, p. 345).

As catalysts of successful informational societies, teachers must therefore be able to build a special kind of professionalism-a new professionalism, where they can learn to teach in ways that they were not taught themselves (Talbert & McLaughlin, 1994); where they can develop classroom strategies that will enhance the new goals of learning required of a symbolic analyst; where they can commit themselves to their own lifelong learning going far beyond the point of initial qualification; where they can work effectively with and be eager to learn from other teachers in their own schools and elsewhere; where they see parents and communities as sources of learning and support and not simply as sets of obstacles; and where they can become their own skilled change agents responding swiftly and effectively to the social and educational changes swirling all around them. These are some of the directions that a new professionalism in teaching needs to be taking.

At the same time, educators, through their professionalism, are expected to ameliorate the worst effects of the new informational society: the widening gaps between rich and poor; the immersion of young people in a culture of 'real virtuality' (Castells, 1997); the tendency for people to consume globalized lifestyles as individuals, rather than produce society together for a common good (Touraine, 1995); and the risks of conflict and violence posed by cultural diversity and the defensive postures resulting from ethnic, religious and nationalistic rivalry.

New professionalism therefore carries social and emotional as well as technical and intellectual components-to establish emotional bonds with and among children, to lay down the building blocks of empathy, tolerance and commitment to the public good (Hargreaves, 1998). Of course, caring for children has always been a salient quality of people's most memorable teachers. But even more is needed of teachers now than Albert Camus wrote - in The first man - of his own teacher during his poor Algerian childhood: a man whose method 'consisted of strict control on behaviour while at the same time making his teaching lively and entertaining, which would win out even over the flies' (Camus, 1994, p.112). More is needed even than the caring that women primary teachers have shown their children for decades, or than the emotional bonding which Japanese teachers forge paternalistically or maternalistically with their dependent students (Shimizu, 1992). Indeed, caring in this restricted sense can sometimes place poor children in a welfarist trap, giving them refuge from poverty without the skills and the standards that provide the opportunities to escape from it. When learners are more diverse and demanding, caring must become less controlling, more responsive to students' varied cultures, more inclusive of their own ideas, perceptions and learning requirements, more ready to involve and not just compensate for the families and communities from which students come in their quest to lift their learning to higher levels. This is the social and emotional mandate for teacher professionalism today.

While education certainly cannot end economic inequality or fully compensate for society, writers of all political persuasions point to its increasingly strategic role for stimulating and also ameliorating the effects of the new informational society. Anthony Giddens, the leading 'guru' of Britain's Prime Minister Tony Blair, reasserts that today 'improved education and skills training' are essential, 'particularly as far as poorer groups are concerned'. 'Investment in education,' he continues, 'is an imperative of government today, a key basis of the redistribution of possibilities' (Giddens, 1998, p.109).

Yet, here is the dilemma. While teachers and schools are the catalysts of change in the informational society, they are also its casualties-casualties of the weakening of the welfare safety net, casualties of reduced expenditure on the public good, casualties of students' families caught in social upheaval, casualties of the widespread decommitment to public life. In many ways, the forces of deprofessionalization listed earlier - of declining support, limited pay, restricted opportunities to learn from colleagues, work overload and standardization - have continued to intensify for teachers. The very supports that teachers need to meet the goals and demands of the informational society are being withheld and withdrawn from them, hobbling them in their efforts to make great leaps forward in their effectiveness and professionalism. Teachers in many developing economies, for example, must undertake two or three jobs just in order to make ends meet-virtually eliminating any chance of engaging in professional learning from other colleagues. This is the fundamental paradox of professionalism in teaching today.

Yet, not everything on the educational horizon for student performance or teacher professionalism is dark and dismal. Most governments now have a high commitment to improving education. Bill Clinton has been accorded the epithet of 'The Education President'. Tony Blair's three governmental priorities were 'education, education, education!' Commitments to debt reduction are opening up opportunities for reinvesting in the social good, including education-if commitment to the public good can be put before the private benefits of tax reduction.

Teacher demographics are also shifting in many nations, with more malleable and energetic younger teachers entering the profession in increasing numbers. At the same time, the recruitment crises arising from these demographic shifts are heralding a climate of greater public and political generosity towards teachers and their professionalism. The reconstruction of the 'Asian Tiger' economies towards the aim of creating knowledge as well as applying it is also spurring moves towards greater flexibility in Japan, 'pleasurable learning' in Hong Kong, and 'thinking schools for a learning society' in Singapore. As a result, this is changing the kinds of skills and sophistication required from teachers in these societies.

Amid all this, one of the benefits of decentralization and increasing school based management, has been the promotion of individual school improvement and, with it, an increasingly pervasive and persuasive base of research knowledge about the kinds of sophisticated teaching and levels of support for teaching that are required in order to create truly high-performing schools. Newmann and Wehlage (1995), for example, have demonstrated that successful school improvement liable to make a difference to student achievement depends on improvement efforts focusing clearly on teaching and learning, on teachers working within a strong professional community, on effective links being made with the community beyond the school in order to support its efforts, and on teachers willingly taking responsibility to analyse, act on and be accountable for student achievement data (Hargreaves & Fullan, 1998).

In the coming years, if the kind of public support called for in Andy Hargreaves' paper can be secured, there are real opportunities for the forces of deprofessionalization in teaching to be rolled back, and for teachers to be accorded-and develop for themselves-the kinds of new professionalism that are essential in an informational society. The papers in this collection explore the dilemmas and struggles of teachers and others to evolve such a new professionalism in a range of different settings.

Professional actions and cultures of teaching

All of these papers, with one exception, are drawn from many years of research and thinking among a network of leading researchers from nine countries and regions around the world. The network in which these researchers (including the writers represented here) have participated is called Professional Actions and Cultures of Teaching (PACT). This network was first initiated and directed by Andy Hargreaves and Ivor Goodson in 1992. It was established so that senior researchers, working in different countries, using different methodologies and drawing on different theoretical traditions, could bring together their varied research findings, ideas and expertise to develop a shared knowledge base of teacher professionalism. This knowledge base would be employed to try and move the educational community's understanding ahead, on a wider front. New projects on the emotions of teacher professionalism, the special traditions and qualities of collaborative professionalism in Japan, and the changing landscape of teachers' work in Scandinavia were all prompted by participation in the group and have deepened the knowledge base of teacher professionalism as a result.

PACT was established first and foremost as a professional and intellectual community for its participants. In the same way as teacher professionalism, researchers and the quality of their work benefit from being involved in and supported by strong professional communities, where collaboration, discussion, and working through different cultural and intellectual traditions strengthen the collective quality of the profession's work. That work is represented in this edition of Prospects and also in other group publications (e.g. Hargreaves & Goodson, 1996; Hargreaves & Evans, 1997).

As a professional and intellectual network, PACT has never sought to restrict itself to esoteric discussion among inward looking intellectuals. Many of its meetings have been organized in tandem with national conferences. It has also instituted associated publications serving the wider educational profession. These meetings have taken place in regions and countries as varied as North America, the United Kingdom, Norway and Hong Kong. A key aim has been to engage and communicate with the wider educational profession, so that PACT could not only investigate and learn about the present state of teaching as a profession, but also work with policymakers and practitioners to help re-invent its future. Various organizations have, at times, supported PACT in this work and we wish here to acknowledge the valuable support they have offered. They include: The Ontario Public School Teachers' Federation (now the Elementary Teachers' Federation of Ontario); the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada; the Association of Teachers and Lecturers; The National Association of Headteachers; the Roehampton Institute of Education and the Times Educational Supplement in the United Kingdom; the Nordic Educational Research Council and the University of Oslo in Scandinavia; and the Chinese University of Hong Kong in Asia.

Under its new directors, Leslie Lo and Brian Caldwell, PACT hopes that through UNESCO's influential journal, Prospects and other means listed on its website, that its work can reach out to engage with the international educational community as it struggles to redefine and, in some cases, to form for the first time a new professionalism in teaching that is truly suited to and equipped for the challenges and demands of a new century.

The papers

With the exception of the paper by Rosa Maria Torres, the articles in this issue of Prospects were presented at an international conference that PACT co-organized with the Hong Kong Institute of Educational Research and Faculty of Education of The Chinese University of Hong Kong. The conference was entitled 'New Professionalism in Teaching: Teacher Education and Teacher Development in a Changing World', and was held in January 1999 on the campus of The Chinese University of Hong Kong. The purpose of the conference was to provide a forum for international dialogue on the future direction for teacher development and teacher education. The six keynote speakers of the conference were joined by scholars and practitioners from Australia, Canada, the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, Israel, Norway, Philippines, Singapore, Sweden, Taiwan, Thailand, the United Kingdom and the United States. The three-day event, which included a consultative session with top educational officials in Hong Kong, was organized along seven sub-themes: teacher development; teacher education; educational leadership; a culture of teaching; teachers' work; staff development; and educational policy. We have derived from the keynote and invited speeches an underlying paradox that is readily discernible in many aspects of the life and work of teachers. In recognizing that teaching is a paradoxical profession, we are also keenly aware of the fact that other equally appropriate themes might have emerged from the many discussions that took place in this very fruitful gathering.

The paradox in the professional life of teachers is illustrated by the co-existence of two seemingly contradictory trends in the development of the teaching profession: standardization of teaching and antipathy to teachers' professionalization, on the one hand, and higher professional standards and greater professionalism, on the other. As Ivor Goodson points out, the trend toward standardization and de-professionalization has provided space for higher standards and new professionalism to emerge. When professionalization is merely concerned with promoting the material and ideal interests of teachers as an occupational group, there is a clear need for teachers to define their own practice and develop character for their own profession. Teachers can no longer rely solely on the academics to develop and clarify for them a knowledge base for teaching, or on the practitioners to define the practice and character of the teaching profession with practical wisdom alone. The new professionalism in teaching should be developed from clearly agreed moral and ethical principles, with caring concerns at its core, and exemplification of the collaborative cultures for which teachers should strive. Goodson calls this the principled professionalism.

The paradox of teaching profession is further illustrated by phenomena in which teachers worry that their professionalism has been undermined by the initiatives to create systems of 'world class' schools. That many nations have embarked on a reform agenda to establish 'world class' schools reflects a growing concern over student achievement standards, as well as their competence and capacity to engage in lifelong learning. Brian Caldwell points out that, despite obvious challenges, a new sense of professionalism in teaching is being crafted. An image of a new professionalism in teaching is constructed upon findings and accounts of good practice in literacy, mathematics, the adoption of information and communication technology, and the capacity for 'reflective intelligence'. It is clear that today's teachers can develop the character of their own profession without having to abandon the traditional tenets of professionalism. In a knowledge society that affords opportunities in global and lifelong learning, teachers can now tap the wisdom of the best minds and engage in collaborative endeavours with partners within and outside of their schools. A new professionalism emerges with a significant change in the teachers' role and in their work. By examining the professional practice of medical practitioners, Caldwell counsels teamwork, networking, accountability, commitment, capacity to make use of information, and lifelong learning. In the rapidly changing landscape of education, a new professionalism for teachers should be one that takes into account the dynamics in a gestalt of schooling in the knowledge society.

A salient paradox in the work of teachers is reflected in their relationships and interactions with parents, who are supposedly their partners in the education of their students. As Andy Hargreaves points out, the pervasive reality in teacher/parent relations is marked by anxiety, tension and misunderstanding. Because of relativity in number and scale, teachers and parents have different expectations of teaching and learning in school and of the relationships with one another. The partnership between teachers and parents has changed through time. The silent partnerships of old were characterized by parents maintaining a polite distance from the teachers and provided necessary support at home. The partnerships of mutual learning and support are necessitated by the changing lives of the students as family and culture adopt different structures and forms. Both teachers and parents need to maintain relationships of reciprocal learning that are more open, interactive and inclusive in character. In their search for a new professionalism, the teachers should remember that it is in their own interest to see parents as important allies in a social movement that will transform the values and institutions of society in favour of public education. Developing a principled professionalism, Hargreaves asserts, requires schools and teachers to open themselves up to parents and the public. Only when learning runs authentically in both directions can communities 'build the capacity, trust, commitment and the support for teachers and teaching on which the future of their professionalism in the post-modern age will depend'.

Yet another paradox of the teaching profession is the inability of teacher education programmes to response effectively to the sweeping changes that are taking place in schooling and teaching in many societies. As Miriam Ben-Peretz points out, changes in teaching that are intensively sought will not be viable or have far-reaching effects if they are not accompanied by concomitant changes in teacher education programmes. Indeed, changes being initiated in teaching will also change the understanding and practice of teachers. Changes in our understanding of the learning and teaching processes, in curriculum and subject integration, in the nature of teachers' work, and in the role of technology in teaching, are all important issues that should be addressed by teacher-education programmes. New models of teacher education have to be incorporated into the change process if current initiatives are to find their way into classrooms. According to Ben-Peretz, the transformation of teacher education should be based on the principles of feasibility, comprehensiveness, synergy and interaction. Teacher education programmes should pay special attention to the attitudes and dispositions of students, the characteristics of teacher educators, our approaches to understanding and problem solving, and teamwork that involves the contribution of students, practising teachers, and teacher-educators who are experts in didactics and in the foundation disciplines. The ethos of teacher-education programmes should reflect an emphasis on teachers being members of learning communities that promote the pedagogy of inquiry.

The paradox of the teaching profession is also discernible in the reform experiences of societies that have launched large-scale projects to improve the quality of their schools and teachers. Evidence from past and on-going reform endeavours seems to indicate reluctance among teachers to embrace those efforts that aim to improve their quality. Indeed, a continual stream of reform efforts with policies that aimed to influence teachers' professional capacity has affected teacher professionalism. To Ann Lieberman and Milbrey McLaughlin, the picture of teachers' professional development in the United States looks chaotic and incomprehensible, as it is difficult to see the strategic or practical connections among the reform efforts. By examining the orientations of three policy tools-standard-based, school-based, and development - based reforms - they underscore the limitations of each as motivation and support for teachers' professional development. Reform experiences at the state and local levels suggest that an appropriate synergy of the three policy approaches should yield positive results. A goal for reform policy, then, is to 'grind trifocal lenses' that focus the strengths of the three approaches in mutually reinforcing ways so that reform policies can support rather than frustrate sustained teacher learning and growth. With this, the persistent problems affecting teacher development can be tackled more effectively.

The kind of ambivalence that surrounds reform policies has confused teachers in some Asian societies as well. As teachers struggle to cope with the many demands of reform and to fulfil the numerous tasks that have been heaped upon them, there is little time for reflection and even less space for a new professionalism in teaching to emerge. Based on the findings of a study on the impact of contextual factors on the direction of teacher development in Hong Kong and the Chinese Mainland, Leslie Lo points out that when the professional authority of teachers is weak, reform measures are imposed on them in a top-down manner. As the educational context experiences rapid changes, and the teachers' attention is constantly drawn to such matters as status, salaries and benefits (as in the case of the Chinese Mainland), the direction of teacher development is dominated by policy mandates and bureaucratic control. Teachers in the two Chinese school systems have to work in educational settings that are highly segregated by academic achievement. They also have to dig deep into their personal and professional resources to wrestle with the problems of compulsory schooling, such as increased diversification in students' ability and background, lack of motivation, challenges to conventional teaching strategies, and the growing intensification of work. When reform initiatives place increasing demands on teachers to strengthen their professional capacity, teacher education programmes in both societies have failed to respond with necessary insights and support. Teacher development has remained at the level of developing their knowledge and skills. For a new professionalism in teaching to emerge in Hong Kong and the Chinese Mainland, Lo suggests a sense of purpose, collegiality, and room for growth as its three basic ingredients.

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