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close this bookObstacles to Tree Planting in Arid and Semi-Arid lands: Comparative Case Studies from India and Kenya (UNU, 1982, 63 p.)
View the documentAcknowledgements
View the documentSummary and conclusions
Open this folder and view contents1. Introduction and purpose of the study
Open this folder and view contents2. India
Open this folder and view contents3. Kenya
Open this folder and view contents4. India and Kenya: Comparisons and contrasts
View the documentAppendix 1. Outline of a four-week training course in community forestry and extension at the commonwealth forestry institute Oxford
View the documentAppendix 2. Proposal for a 35-hour course in agro-forestry for agricultural students (third-year degree)
View the documentAppendix 3. Summer courses at the commonwealth forestry institute, Oxford
View the documentReferences
View the documentOther UNU publications

Acknowledgements

The field work for this study was undertaken during sabbatical leave granted by Oxford University authorities to the author. Acknowledgement is given to the General Board of the University and to the Head of the Forestry Department.

Many people facilitated this study by giving up time for office discussions or field tours and by providing published and unpublished material as well as personal hospitality To all of them the United Nations University and the author express their thanks. Of particular help were Mr R.D.H. Rowe (World Bank, Delhi), Mr B.K. Jhala (Gujarat Forest Department), and the staff of UNESCO in Nairobi and Ngurunit (Kenya). Sections of the text concerned with sociological aspects were contributed or revised by Professors D. Brokensha and P. Castri (University of California).

Summary and conclusions

The objective of this study was to consider two countries, one with some experience and the other with pressing problems of arid zone development, and to compare and contrast them in terms of environmental, technical, social, and economic factors in order to identify constraints to tree planting in arid and semi-arid lands (ASAL). It proved easier to make a fuller assessment of the environmental and technical aspects than of the socio-economic aspects.

Expanding world populations and increasing cultural requirements are placing heavy demands on arid and semi arid lands, often causing loss of productivity and desertification. The value of trees is recognized inter nationally in prevention of desertification, restoration of degraded areas, provision of goods and services, amelioration of climate and soils, and general improvement of the quality of life. However, rural communities experience a competition for land between agriculture and forestry at both macro. and micro-levels in which the pressing demands for immediate food outweigh the long-term advantages of trees. Nevertheless, the increasing demand for lands for food production continually degrades both soil and forest so that legitimate demands for forest products cannot be met in the future. These demands are principally for fuel, fencing, and fodder and may be met by agro-forestry systems involving multiple crops and products.

There are some technical problems of afforestation in the arid zone; these include the very short planting season, the competition for labour during this season, and the often difficult and expensive techniques of raising nursery stock, field planting, and tending. Forestry administrations need to solve the logistical problems of planting in arid areas. However, environmental factors and practical afforestation technique are not the major constraints to tree planting in ASAL. More important are social features (including land use and tenure and community organization) and economic constraints (such as the lack of a monetarized economy, poor transport and marketing systems, poor understanding of long-term cost-benefit appraisal, and lack of precise information on establishment costs). Little is known about the perception of problems, solutions, and con" straints and the costs and benefits to the individual, house" hold, or community of subsistence activities, particularly those involving tree planting and especially in the ASAL.

There is great difficulty also in evaluating the costs and benefits to society or the economy of the environmental damage associated with excessive deforestation (or the costs and benefits of avoiding or reducing such damage). Throughout the world there are issues of intertemporal economics and intergenerational justice relating to resource use that are equally difficult to evaluate. Within the ASAL particularly there is a large lacuna in our knowledge of the economic parameters of tree growing. Further work is needed to understand the causes of the deterioration of arid areas, their impact on the people, and the recognition by the people of the importance of resulting problems and the need to act.

There is a great need for information distribution, professional and non-professional training in extension techniques for ASAL, and in research and development methods, but above all there is a need to include rural people individually and communally in the planning, control, and management of treeplanting schemes. Greater difficulties exist in those parts of the ASAL subject to nomadic pastoralism, yet these are the areas that could benefit most from tree planting; they require an integrated approach to development.

These factors exist in the ASAL of both India and Kenya, but successful examples of overcoming constraints have been developed in India that could act as a model for Kenya. Kenya, in contrast, has a well-defined policy for arid land development that will partition efforts among various national and international agencies. In some countries, increased urban drift reduces rural human and livestock population pressures on the land, At present this is not a significant feature in either India or Kenya, but, in applying the lessons of this study to other countries, it is a factor to be taken into account. What must be considered in all ASAL countries is an integrated approach to rural development in which research into tree and crop species and their efficient use is paralleled by research into the carrying capacity of land, development of improved breeds of domestic animals, stall feeding, and, in some cases, acceptance of public education in the limitation of populations of both domestic animals and people, which may have serious cultural, religious, and political overtones.

The United Nations University programme

Through its Programme on the Use and Management of Natural Resources, the United Nations University has been attempting to identify critical problems of resource management that can be alleviated through research, training, and dissemination of knowledge. One of the initial three critical problems chosen was the ineffective application of knowledge to the management and development of arid lands.

A sub-programme on the Assessment of the Application of Knowledge to Arid Lands Problems was established in 1977 with the remit that "the reasons for inadequate and unsuccessful application of knowledge and experience must be identified as a basis for planning and for the optimum use of technology to improve human welfare." This was intended "to facilitate the basic desire of many arid land inhabitants to remain within such areas by providing them with services and enabling them to manage their resources for optimum productivity at the least social, capital and environmental cost."

Objective of the study

Existing knowledge and technology may well be limited within the political boundaries of one country while relevant information is freely available in other countries within the ecological boundaries of the arid zone. Afforestation of arid and semi-arid lands may be considered technically impossible in some areas yet be successfully practiced in others. The objective of the present study was to consider two countries, one with some experience and the other with pressing problems of arid zone development, and to compare and contrast them in terms of environmental, technical, social, and economic factors with a view to identifying constraints to tree planting and to identifying areas in which national institutions and international agencies including the United Nations University could contribute by training and the dissemination of knowledge. In both of the countries chosen there is poor awareness and distribution of relevant literature, and throughout this report an attempt is made to draw attention to published information from these and other countries, particularly the technical and environmental literature.

The study transects two other sets of activities of the United Nations University in addition to the work on arid lands, namely fuelwood and agro-forestry. Fuelwood is a major forest product required in most of the developing world, and especially in the arid zone; agro-forestry, the combination of agricultural and forest crops, is one approach to land use and afforestation in the zone,

Choice of study areas

Two English-speaking countries were chosen, India and Kenya, both of which were known previously to the consultant. They both have large areas of arid and semi-arid lands, but they have different population totals and densities; in both cases there are appreciable demands by their populations for wood products, particularly fuelwood and fodder. Kenya hosts the headquarters of international agencies, including ICRAF (International Council for Research in Agro-forestry) and UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme), but it has no research institute specifically concerned with arid lands development. In contrast, India has ICRISAT (International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics, Hyderabad) and CAZRI (Central Arid Zone Research Institute, Jodhpur) as well as the long-established FRI (Forest Research Institute, Dehra Dun). Kenya has a new university forestry department with inadequate staff and a curriculum that is not yet well-developed in agro-forestry and arid zone forestry; India has many training establishments and many graduates in agriculture, forestry, and soil and water conservation.

Both countries have long traditions of professional forest management, but until 1980 Kenya has emphasized afforestation by industrial plantations on relatively highly productive sites, while in India considerable attention in the last ten years has been given to social (community) forestry in less desirable environments. The two countries also differ in land use policy and tenure, and the organization of field staff.

Definitions and distribution of arid and semi-arid lands

The growth and yield of trees, as of other plants, in arid areas depend on several limiting factors including low and irregular rainfall with frequent drought periods, high temperature and intense radiation, and poor soil conditions, including low moisture-holding capacity, high infiltration rate, and low content of organic carbon. An integrative discussion of their physiological effects was given in Perry and Goodall (1979), but together these are expressed conveniently in terms of aridity

The bioclimatic aridity of a site depends on the relative amounts of water gained from rainfall and lost by evaporation and transpiration. Various ratios of these climatic measurements have been used, but they will not be reviewed here. On a worldwide scale the most useful representation is that used by UNESCO (1977) in the preparation of a map of the world distribution of arid regions; this used the ratio of mean annual precipitation (P) to the mean annual evapo-transpiration (EPT). Four main classes of aridity were recognized: hyper-arid (P/EPT < 0.03), arid (0.03 < P/EPT < 0.20), semi-arid (0.20 < P/EPT < 0.50), and subhumid (0.50 < P/EPT < 0.75). Temperature and its annual fluctuations were recognized in subdivisions, and rainfall regimes were represented by colours.

Within the hyper-arid zone annual rainfall is less than 100 mm with virtually 100 per cent inter-annual variability; vegetation is either absent or ephemeral; tree planting without irrigation is unlikely to succeed; and the most common land use is for oil and mineral mining (and construction of gambling casinos), unless subterranean water is available.

In the arid zone annual rainfall is approximately in the range 100-400 mm, with an inter-annual variation of 50-100 per cent; vegetation comprises mainly sparse annual grasses with some low shrubs; non-irrigated tree planting is possible. Extensive animal breeding occurs, and rainfed agriculture is increasing, although irrigated agriculture may be considered more logical.

The semi-arid zone receives 400-600 (occasionally 800) mm of annual precipitation with 25-50 per cent variation between years; the total differs between areas receiving winter rainfall (e.g., north Africa, 400-500 mm), and those receiving summer rainfall (e.g., east Africa, 700-800 mm). Vegetation is taller and denser with more trees than in the arid zone.

While the UNESCO map provides at small scale a base document for the world, it does not delineate exactly the distribution of arid zones within a given country. Further the systems used by national agencies for site classification do not necessarily agree with those of UNESCO, and in any case no meaningfully precise delimitation is possible because of annual variation in rainfall and temperature.

Various countries consider 300 mm rainfall the upper limit of the arid zone and 500-800 mm the upper limit of the semi-arid zone. For the purpose of this report an exact definition is unnecessary because tree-planting techniques and constraints do not change abruptly. (Ghosh 1977, in his treatment of afforestation techniques in India, grouped all tropical dry forests that occur in areas receiving less than 1,250 mm.) The areas considered here are those recognized as arid (350-500 mm rainfall) and very arid (200-350 mm) in Kenya (Government of Kenya 1979) and as arid in India (less than 500-600 mm, mainly in parts of Gujarat and Rajasthan; e.g., see ICRISAT 1978), but to a large extent the discussion applies equally to the drought prone areas of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gularat, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal (Government of India 1978). However, most of the examples are taken from Gujarat, where tree planting is actively pursued. The Kenyan acronym ASAL (arid and semi-arid lands) is adopted as an all-embracing term (Government of Kenya 1979).

These areas are illustrated in figures 1 (India) and 2 (Kenya). Although there are considerable variations in climate, soil, topography, and demography within these areas, many of the obstacles to tree planting are common within a country.

Benefits of trees-the "4-E Package"

Tree planting, even if constraints can be overcome, must take its place in an overall programme of arid zone develop meet. There are four major components (the four E's) of any such development, namely ecology, employment, energy, and economics. All components include a strong human dimension, and it is important to emphasize the potential contribution that local people can make. Development projects are intended to be for people, but they should also be designed to operate with people. Specific instances of local participation are outlined below. Too often schemes that are laudable with respect to one or two of these components fail to consider the others adequately.

Ecology

If, in ecology, we include the amelioration and protection of the environment for man and his domestic animals, trees can play a significant role in the ASAL.


FIG. 1. Isohyets in India (based on Government of India 1975, ICRISAT 1978, Subrahmanyam et al. 1965)


FIG. 2. Isohyet for 500 mm in Kenya (based on Kamweti 1979)

Climatic Effects

There is still controversy about the effect of forests on rainfall at a continental or regional level but there is little doubt that trees and forests can modify local environment, e.g., individual trees that provide shade, and shelterbelts, which affect windspeed, temperature, and evaporation.

Soil and Water Effects

Trees, through their widespread roots, can stabilize soil in sand dunes and on hillsides thus preventing soil erosion, river pollution, and dam siltation. Deep-rooted trees may reach underground water supplies not accessible to other plants. Trees tap nutrient reserves and recycle them through leaf fall, making them available to other crops; this is particularly important in tropical areas where high temperatures and intense rainfall cause leaching. It is true that clear-felled industrial plantations may themselves cause nutrient loss and require artificial inputs for second and later rotations, but this type of tree planting is not widespread in the ASAL, where agro-forestry systems and coppice cutting are preferable.

Amenity and Recreation Benefits

In more developed countries the inhabitants have the leisure time and sufficient money to enjoy recreational pursuits and appreciate amenity values of trees and forests, but residents of the dry areas have different perceptions. However, trees are widely appreciated for one quality- shade. In the hot season (i.e., for much of the Year) it is a common sight to see a herdsman and his stock resting in the welcome shade of a tree.

Employment

For employment in the ASAL, tree planting and harvesting require more individual and group labour per unit area than pastoral or annual crops. Trees can provide employment and income, particularly during slack agricultural periods, through the development of industries processing minor and major products. Employment and income from trees can benefit diverse sectors in the ASAL, particularly the land poor and the landless, but also middle- and upper income households. Guaranteed land tenure and access to trees are essential to encourage tree planting.

Energy

Trees have traditionally been regarded as a low-input/ high-output, free energy source, and over half of the wood currently consumed throughout the world is used for fuel, largely for domestic purposes; within the ASAL the proportion is far higher. Some 1.5 x 109 people use wood daily for cooking their food and for maintaining essential levels of warmth in their homes (FAO 1978). (See also Arnold and Jongma 1978; Arnold 1978; IDRC 1979.) Even in developed countries far from the ASAL, with the recognition that reserves of non-renewable energy sources, particularly oil, are finite and diminishing rapidly, wood has recently attained new prominence as a potential source of energy, including its use for fuelwood, charcoal, and chemical feedstock (alcohols).

Economics

In economic terms, trees yield products that facilitate monetarization and diversification of the economy and, by encouraging settlement, improve marketing and transport system and encourage enterprise. In the ASAL, in addition to fuelwood, fencing material, poles, and some sawn wood are the major forest products, either from single trees on farms and along edges of canals, railways, and streets or from relatively large plantations in smallholder, community, or government forests. Minor products include directly used material such as animal fodder, roofing and smoking materials, or drugs and indirect products such as honey or wildlife. Overall in the ASAL, timber takes second place to products and services from trees, and conventional timber management systems often conflict with local needs for these other services and goods.

In appraising projects for financial support, national and international institutions have traditionally considered mainly the financial benefits of the projects. Only recently have social benefits been included so that the interactions of the "4-E package" can be examined. Techniques of social cost-benefit analysis and environmental impact analysis now permit approval of some projects that are not financially feasible and the rejection of others that, while financially attractive, have undesirable effects on the ecological or social situations in the project area. Techniques of analysis have advanced in recent years, with the emphasis of USAID, World Bank, and other agencies on social soundness analysis. Such analysis should preferably be made before the project gets under way and should continue during the life of the project. However, even if the analysis is done in good time (which in fact seldom happens), there are many associated problems. These include isolating the effects of one specific action-e.g., afforestation-from other actions, especially as successful development usually requires an integrated plan with many social and economic aspects. Then there is the problem of time-should costs and benefits be estimated for a short period or, more realistically, for the long term? Multiplier effects and indirect effects of projects are often significant, but are also difficult to measure with any precision. Even now there remain considerable problems of quantification and evaluation in the use of social cost-benefit analysis at the subsistence forestry level.

Recent trends in forestry

Professional foresters were traditionally conservationists; indeed, throughout British Commonwealth countries, senior staff are still called Conservators of Forests, In many cases this conservation implied gazetting large areas of natural forest as Government reserves and forbidding access by the public or limiting removal of products; it required a policing function of the Forest Department, often causing the animosity of local populations and lack of awareness both of total forest benefits and of the need for public concern with forest maintenance.

Recent rapid increases in population size and personal expectations have placed great pressures on natural forest throughout the tropics and subtropics, particularly where land is in such short supply that the fallow period of traditional "slash and burn" shifting cultivation is reduced below the limit for site regeneration (e.g., see Kunstadter et al. 1978). Although the effects of population pressure are most commonly experienced in the moist tropical forest (to the extent that in some countries of South-East Asia 30 per cent of officially gazetted Government forest reserves are now under illegal agricultural occupation, and many reserves are being officially relinquished to satisfy the demands of landless rural people), similar trends are now being experienced in more open savannah woodlands of drier areas. In the arid and semi-arid areas, on lands given over mainly to grazing, human populations have remained reasonably constant and small, but animal numbers have increased (for family wealth, for insurance against loss, and for sale to neighbouring towns); natural forests have been reduced to relics by a combination of grazing, fire, and exploitation.

For all these situations the reintroduction of trees is an important step towards rehabilitating degraded sites, protecting soil and water, preventing further desertification, and satisfying population demands.

Throughout the present century there has been an almost exponential increase in plantation forestry (and this is expected to continue in the tropics to the end of the century; Lanly and Clement 1979), particularly with exotic conifers and eucalypts, mainly for saw timber or pulp, and often supported by international agencies' loans and assistance. Although often subject to criticism (frequently unjustified) on the grounds of increased water utilization or soil degradation, this type of plantation will continue to be necessary on economic grounds. Nevertheless, the benefits of such forestry accrue mainly to Government or to large companies and not directly to rural individuals or populations.

Throughout the 1970s there was increasing awareness of the need to benefit rural development more directly by encouraging tree planting at the smallholder and community levels and by using trees that could provide more than one benefit (multipurpose trees, e.g., fodder and fuel), and system that allowed multiple uses of limited land (agro-forestry systems, including agro-pastoral-silvicultural combinations).

This increasing awareness was acknowledged in the theme of the 1978 World Forestry Congress (Jakarta), "Trees for People," and by the creation of the International Council for Research in Agro-forestry (ICRAF, Nairobi) It is reflected in the activities of the United Nations University itself (agro-forestry, fuelwood, arid zone development) and by the revised policies of the FAO (1978), the World Bank (Draper 1977; Keil 1977; Spears 1978; IBRD 1979a), the Asian Development Bank (ADB 1978), and many multilateral and bilateral assistance agencies. (See also Eckholm 1979; King 1978, 1979; Sanger et al. 1977.)

Throughout the tropical and developing world, there is therefore wide interest in tree growing and, for the arid zone in particular, the need for trees is great, but the obstacles to tree planting are also considerable.

Forestry policy, strategy, and organization

The first Indian Forestry Act was passed in 1865 to control indisciminate felling and initiate the preparation of working plans that would regulate yield. The first statement of National Forest Policy in 1894 emphasized the need to demarcate, reserve, and conserve forests. While this was excellent from the point of view of genetic resource conservation and wildlife, soil, and water protection, it did not rationalize or maximize yields of forest products nor did it endear forestry officials to local populations, because forest officers carried out a policing function. Even today it is not uncommon to hear foresters talk of forests "burdened with rights" implying that, in their opinion, non-foresters should be excluded from the forests. Yet, even under the 1894 policy, which later served as a model for other countries of the British Commonwealth, if a demand for agricultural land arises that can be met only from a forest, it should be conceded without hesitation (subject to certain reasonable conditions); further, forests that yield only inferior timber, fuelwood, or fodder, or that are used for grazing, should be managed mainly in the interest of the local population.

The policy was revised in 1952 and re-emphasized the protective function of forests; it suggested that one-third of the national surface area should be retained under forest cover (without showing the basis for this suggestion). However, the full importance of improving the productivity of the forests was not recognized until 1972 when the National Commission on Agriculture published its interim report on "Production Forestry-Manmade Forests" (NCA, 1976a). Prior to that time India had been slow to adopt new methods of forest planning, management, extraction, and research that were being rapidly developed and widely used elsewhere. However, acceptance of the need for change was accelerated by the creation of State Forestry Corporations, operating commercially and separately from the State Forest Department, beginning in 1974 (IBRD 1978a). A revision of the forest policy has been prepared, but recent political problems and changes of government have prevented its discussion by Government so that it has not been published yet.

Whereas the main plantations in India comprise indigenous species, especially teak (Tectona grandis) and other broad leaved species, approximately 10 per cent are of fast-growing exotic species, such as pines and eucalypts, intended for industrial and commercial uses. However, a significant contributor to total plantation area, and the most rapidly increasing in proportion, is farm forestry/fuelwood plantations. Until 1979 approximately 316,000 ha of the latter were established out of a total of 3.6 million hectares of manmade forests. (See table 1 and Sagreiya 1967.)

Social or community forestry (including village, school, and farm activities in the broad categories of farm forestry and extension forestry) began in 1973 as a result of the NCA's Interim Report on Social Forestry (NCA 1976b) with its suggestion that Rs 770 million (approximately US$100 million) should be allocated for these activities during the period of the Fifth Plan (1974-1979). Until 1978 less than half had actually been allocated. (See table 2 and IBRD 1978b and 1979a-e.) In addition to social forestry activities, increasing attention is being paid to environmental forestry, which includes afforestation of catchment areas, reclamation of ravines and other erodible areas and degraded forest, preservation of protection forests, and creation of wilderness areas and nature reserves.

The overall national strategy for forest development reflects two priorities: first to develop production forestry programmes to supply the growing needs of the domestic wood products industry (particularly for pulp and paper) and second, through community forestry programmes to supply fuelwood, fodder, small timber, and minor forest products to rural populations. The National Commission on Agriculture recommended that each state reorganize its Forest Department into two separate wings, one to remain responsible for traditional forest production and wildlife, while a new wing would deal with community forestry. Gujarat, which, with Rajasthan, lies almost entirely in the arid zone, was one of the first (with Uttar Pradesh) to create a Community Forestry Wing.

Selection of the study area

There can be no precise delimitation of the arid zone because of the paucity of meteorological data, the annual variablility of climatic factors, and the range of methods for calculating climatic indices; many of these were referred to in ICRISAT (1978), in chapters by Gupta and Prakash, Ramaswamy, and Meher-Homji in Gupta and Prakash (1975), and in chapters by Krishnan and Meher-Homji in ICAR (1977). For practical purposes India is zoned into eight agro-ecological regions (Murty and Pandey 1978; Krishna Murty 1979) of which the arid western plains (region 6) include Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Haryana. These lie to the east of the core-in Pakistan-of the arid zone in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. An outline of the geology, soils, hydrology, climate, and vegetation of this south-west Asian arid zone was given by Kaui and Thalen (1979). Detailed studies of some 20 different environmental and biological features of the most arid portion in India, the Thar Desert, were described by 17 contributors and compiled by Gupta and Prakash (1975). See also CAZRI (1964, 1974, 1977), FRI (1963), and Indian Ministry of Education (1964).

TABLE 1. India: Physical Achievements in Establishing Forests (thousands of hectares)

Plan
period (i)
Economic
plantations
for industrial
and com-
mercial uses (ii)
Rehabili-
tation
of
degraded
forest (iii)
Farm
forestry-
cum-
fuelwood
plantations (iv)
Planta
tions
of fast-
growing
species (v)
Total (vi) iv as
percentage
of vi (vii)
First to
post annual
(1951-69)
594.5 477.6 72.8 255.6 1,400.5 5.2
Fourth
(1969-74)
291.2 127.3 63.0 232.8 714.3 8.8
Fiftha
(1974-79)
760.0 200.0 180.0 350.0 1,490.0b 12.1
Totala 1,645.7 804.9 315.8 838.4 3,604.8b 8.8

Source: Ministry of Agriculture and IBRD 11978).

a. Estimates only: actual establishment will not be known until the end of the Fifth Plan period.

b. Some 186,200 ha of plantations established by the State Forestry Corporations must be added to these figures to arrive at total estimated physical achievements by the end of the Fifth Plan (i.e.., some 3,791,000 ha).

TABLE 2. India: Estimated Financial Commitment to Social Forestry in the Fifth Plan (in millions of rupees)

Activity

Suggested allocation
in NCA Report on Social Forestry

Actual allocation total

Percentage of suggested
Allocation
  Centre State Total    
1. Farrn forestry 20 - 20 155.8 780
2. Extension forestry
(a) Mixed forestry 100 - 100 66.6 67
(b) Shelterbelts 75 75 1501    
(c) Road/rail sides and canal banks - 100 100 100.0 40
3. Reforestation of degraded forest 150 150 300 50.6 17
4. Recreation forestry - 100 100      
Grand total 345 425 700a 373.0 48

Source: Ministry of Agriculture and IBRO (1978)

a. Includes expenditure for setting up the extension organization but not the funds required for research or the preliminary survey needed for selecting suitable districts and areas within districts. If research and survey were included total could amount to Rs 800 million.

For the purpose of this study attention was concentrated on the semi-desert of Gujarat rather than the drier areas of Rajasthan, not because the slightly better conditions of Guiarat are more conducive to tree growth but because an active, successful programme of tree planting is in progress and has demonstrated methods of overcoming constraints. However, contrasts with Rajasthan are drawn where possible and, later in this report, with Kenya where no comparable social forestry activities exist.

Resources and needs for forest products and services

India has a total population of 550 million persons, of whom approximately 80 per cent live in rural areas. Of the total area of 327 million hectares some 75 million hectares (23 per cent) support forest. Gujarat has a population of 32 million (1978), increasing by 2.6 per cent per year, of which 72 per cent live in rural areas in 18,300 villages with an average population size of 1,050 persons. These villages are organized into 19 districts and 186 talukas (subdistricts), with administrative councils (panchayats) having been elected in 1,200 villages.

The area of the state is 19.6 million hectares, only 10 per cent of which is forested. The most important blocks of forest are confined to hill areas along the eastern border and in south-west Saurashtra.

Virtually all forest areas within Gujarat are owned by the state and managed by the Forest Department. Of the 2 million hectares of forest, 62 per cent are reserved, 6 per cent protected, and 32 per cent unclassified. (Reserved forests typically include protected and commercial forests in which existing rights are either settled, transferred, or commuted; other forests are declared "protected," and the rights over them, which are often extensive, are recorded and regulated.) The Government of Guiarat also purchased large areas of degraded private land and is conducting research into its rehabilitation. There are also nearly 300,000 hectares of ravine lands for rehabilitation.

For ail India the total volumes of wood recorded as produced during the period 1974-1977 averaged 9.8 million m3 per year of industrial roundwood and 16.7 million m3 per year of fuelwood. For Gujarat, in the same period, the state forests produced an average of 150,000 m3 of timber, 300,000 metric tons of fuelwood (225,000 m3 assuming a density of 750 kg/m3, IBRD 1979b, 1979c), 73,000 metric tons of bamboo, and 22,000 metric tons of fodder grass.

Of the total national energy consumption in 1975 (235 million metric tons coal equivalent), 125 million metric tons were obtained from wood, dung, and agricultural waste, with 70 million metric tons derived from wood.

Fuelwood accounted for 90 per cent of all wood used in 1975. According to Singh (1978) 16.25 million ha of fuelwood plantations would be required to replace all dung burnt (see fig. 3.), and farm forestry could be a significant contributor particularly if charcoal manufacture and use can be encouraged (fig. 4). The development of improved charcoal kilns and efficient cooking stoves would of course contribute to ameliorating the problems of fuel supply.

For fuelwood the NCA (1976b) assumed that the current annual per capita requirement of 0.22 m3 would drop to 0.18 m3 by the year 2000 because of the use of alternative fuels. The projected increases in population (to 1,059 million) would require an increase of fuelwood from 184 million m3 in 1980 (recorded and unrecorded) to 225 million m3 in 2000. Correspondingly in Gujarat the fuelwood equivalent (which includes 0.02 m3 per person per year each for cow dung and charcoal) required by the projected 54 million persons will be 11.9 million m3, slightly more than double the 1972 demand (IBRD 1979a). To meet this demand for recorded fuelwood alone it will be necessary to establish some 1.5 million hectares of plantations in the period 1980-2000 (75,000 hectares annually, assuming a mean annual increment of 8 m3 /ha).

Many national and state figures include a large but probably not precisely estimated proportion of forest products obtained free or at nominal rates through rights and privileges (nistar). In 1972/73 these composed 3.4 per cent of the total forest revenue in Gujarat but 27 per cent in Rajasthan. In addition illegal removals ("external sources") are considerable and increasing, adding to the problem of deforestation with its consequent soil erosion and spreading desertification. In addition to major and minor forest products that support a large number of industries in Gularat, the forests provide benefits to scheduled castes, marginal farmers, and landless labourers (fruit, flowers, grazing, honey, Poles, bamboo, etc., as well as paid employment). In 1976/77, primary forest production generated 7 million work-days of employment (IBRD 1979b).

If the increasing demands for fuelwood and other products are not met by plantations, the forest resource will decline, and the use of animal and agricultural wastes will increase with concomitant decline of soil fertility and structure. The present limited and unequally distributed natural resources cannot continue to support population needs, and rehabilitation and improved management of the forest will be inadequate unless coupled with plantations on currently unused land. However, the establishment of plantations is not the sole solution for meeting fuelwood needs. Fuelwood supplies may be increased by better management of the natural vegetation, and the quantities required may be reduced by using more efficient stoves and crematoria. It should also be noted that the use of crop residues and animal dung for fuel cannot always be avoided; the decline in soil fertility commonly ascribed to burning such residues relates only to the proportion of them that would actually be otherwise used as a soil conditioner.

Overcoming the major obstacles to tree planting

To plant any crop anywhere successfully, four sets of criteria have to be met. First the natural environment must be suitable for crop growth. The availability of water, temperature, and soil type are crucial variables. Second, the economic environment must be conducive in terms of providing resources for meeting the expenses of planting, culturing, harvesting, and marketing the crop. The availability of land, labour, and capital must be considered, as well as the condition of transport facilities and markets. Third, the social environment must be favourable, which includes examining how the distribution of resource ownership, production relationships, and the ultimate distribution of benefits from the crop influence incentives for growing and distributing the crop. People have to perceive real benefits for planting and caring for the crop. Finally, technical expertise must be available in terms of the technical operations themselves and their management at the scale required. Depending on the crop, whether an indigenous or an exotic species, technical assistance is found not only from outside specialists but from the local people themselves.

The objectives of planting must be clearly understood. In the ASAL these may include environmentally focused goals, such as soil stabilization and shelter, or economically oriented objectives, such as increasing productivity in major and minor forest industries and improving rural incomes and welfare. A comprehensive and integrative approach to ASAL forestry preferably should have a combination of ecological, economic, and social objectives, and it should aim at the most equitable distribution of benefits among regions and among the various sectors of the population.

Environmental Constraints

Within the arid and semi-arid lands the two major environmental constraints to tree planting are of course rainfall and temperature (both means and extremes). The broad rainfall pattern for India is illustrated in figure 1, and detailed data for selected stations are shown in table 3. Absolute extreme temperatures are 1-45C, and extreme droughts may occur every four to five years. The rainy season is short, but rainfall may be intense, leading to heavy surface run-off and soil loss.

Since it is not yet feasible to control rainfall or temperature on a regional basis by artificial means, successful land management and crop growth requires the use of soil and water management techniques that make more water available to the crop, particularly in its initial establishment phase. These can take the form of irrigation, reduction of weed competition, addition of organic materials, water conservation methods (such as construction of terraces, ridges, mounds, basins, and trenches!, and soil working (to improve aeration, water-holding capacity, and temperature relations, while reducing run-off and evaporation).

Although in North Africa some direct sowing is practiced (either by human hand or goat excretion} and in Gujarat Acacia nilotica and Prosopis juliflora are occasionally established by direct sowing, most tree crops are established in the ASAL by planting seedlings raised in nursery containers or beds. Even when the nursery stock have been hardened-off by reduction of water in the nursery, the trees face a period of severe stress immediately after planting in the field. It is thus essential to work the soil to give the necessary depth of good filth (with good aeration, granulation, and crumb structure for growth), to hold a large proportion of the total precipitation in the root zone and to remove competing, transpiring vegetation. (It is possible, of course, to irrigate seedlings at planting until the rainy season is well established, but at the end of the dry season scarce water is rarely made available for trees particularly where annual crops, animals, and humans themselves need the water. Where water is available, irrigated plantations may be economic-see below.) In India, these problems are well known, and both mechanized and manual plantation techniques are available. They are described for a range of soils and rainfall classes in the arid and semi-arid zone by Seth (1977). Examples of tree planting pits from Gujarat are illustrated in figure 5 (village plantation) and figure 6 (Forest Department plantation).

TABLE 3. India: Monthly Rainfall and Temperature Data for Three Selected Stations

 

Jodhpur (Rajasthan) 169 m.a.s.l.

Jaipur (Rajasthan) 436 m.a.s.l.

Bhuj (Gujarat) 105 m.a.s.l..

Rainfall (mm) Temperature (C) Rainfall (mm) Temperature (C) Rainfall (mm) Temperature (C)
Mean Mean maximum Mean minimum Mean Mean maximum Mean minimum Mean Mean maximum Mean minimum
January 4 16.9 24.6 9.2 11 15.6 22.9 8.2 2 18.8 26.3 11.3
February 6 19.2 270 11.4 8 17.7 25.0 10.3 4 21.2 28.7 13.6
March 3 24.4 32.5 16.4 9 23.1 31.3 14.9 3 25.9 33.8 17.9
April 3 29.5 37.4 21.6 4 28.6 36.8 20.4 2 29.8 37 7 31.8
May 10 33.6 40.8 26.3 15 32.9 40.9 24.9 7 31.9 38.1 25.4
June 36 33.9 39.8 27.9 57 33.2 39.5 26.9 35 31.4 36.3 26.5
July 101 31.4 36.1 26.8 197 30.1 34.6 25.7 161 29.2 32.7 25.6
August 123 29.1 33.2 25.0 205 28.6 32.7 24.4 74 28.0 31.3 24.7
September 61 29.2 34.6 23.8 82 28.3 33.9 22.7 46 28.5 32.2 24.8
October 8 26.9 35.3 18.6 12 26.2 34.5 17.9 8 28.5 35.6 21 4
November 3 22.1 30.9 13.0 4 20.9 29.7 12.1 2 24.4 32.1 16.7
December 3 18.2 26.1 10.3 8 16.7 24.7 8.7 2 20.1 27.7 12.4
Total 361       612       346      

Soils are varied within the ASAL of India (Seth 1977). The most difficult to manage are the saline and alkaline soils that develop under low rainfall and high temperature with infrequent water percolation and leaching, thus accumulating carbonates, bicarbonates, sulphates, and chlorides of calcium, magnesium, potassium, and sodium. Irrigation tends to concentrate them in the surface layers, but this can occur naturally also with extreme evaporation (fig. 6). Saline soils occupy over two million hectares in Gujarat, particularly in Kutch, and 700,000 hectares in Rajasthan. The chemical toxicity of these soils (fig. 6) and the physically limited air and water supply and cracking surface of the more clayey soils (fig. 7) can be improved to enable support of some agricultural and tree crops by improved drainage (embankments, deep ripping, and underground drains}, lowering the water table (through tube wells and adding gypsum, sulphur, or pyrites to the soil), and incorporating organic matter.

These areas, which are extensive and treeless, clearly need afforestation to meet local demands for fuel, small timber, and fodder, but the excessive salt content frequently prevents any plant growth, and to date no cheap method of leaching out the salts has been evolved. If a method could be developed within the existing water and social resources, large areas could be transformed into highly productive land for both agriculture and forestry. In total some seven million hectares exist in 14 states of India.

The topic of choice of species is considered below, but it is of interest here to note the need for testing alkaline- and salinetolerant species for planting. In Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh Prosopis chilensis establishes itself on saline patches, and in Gujarat Prosopis juliflora has been planted since 1951 (Patel 1972); the legume Sesbania aculeata can improve such soils if ploughed in as a green manure.

Another major, difficult soil type is the wind-blown mineral sand of the Thar Desert of Rajasthan (some 128,000 km2), which may also be saline, and the coastal dry sands in Gujarat. These should not be worked since this reduces the already limited structure, and considerable effort and expense is involved in stabilizing these sands as a first step toward production. Techniques available include levelling of hummocks and dune crests and provision of mulch, vegetation barriers, and artificial barriers to halt progress of the sand while direct-seeded grasses become established. These approaches are described by Kaul and Chand (1977) and by Verma (1975) together with techniques and species suitable for other soil types in the Thar Desert.

Although a wide variety of practices is evolving for improving the productivity of the dry lands by afforestation, establishment and improvement of pastures, shelterbelts, and general sand stabilization, considerable biotic agencies reduce their effectiveness, including a wide range of insects and rodents. Techniques for biological control, fumigation, trapping, and poisoning are described by Prakash (1980).

The gnat type of problem site for which afforestation is desirable within the ASAL of India is ravine land. Gullies and ravines have been formed and are eating back into fertile tablelands in some three million hectares throughout India, particularly in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, by uncontrolled removal of natural vegetation, poor cultivation, unrestricted grazing, and neglect of soil and water conservation practices.

Depending on soil depth, moisture availability, nutrient status, and the presence of iron-pans, techniques and some species for the reclamation of these lands are known (see Ghosh 1977). Obstacles to tree planting are social, economic, and administrative rather than technical or environmental. Rehabilitation of such lands must be approached on a catchment basis, and many areas are being treated by Forest Departments and by the Central Soil and Water Conservation Research and Training Institute with support from various assistance agencies. (Probably the most significant contribution to reducing further degradation would be adequate fencing and prevention of grazing. Where this has been feasible rapid invasion occurs by grasses and woody species, including the naturally common Acacia nilotica

Technical Obstacles

Establishment Techniques

As shown in the previous section, field techniques have been developed to facilitate the survival and growth of trees under a range of adverse environmental conditions of temperature, water availability, and soil type. These were well described by Ghosh (1977) and Seth 11977), particularly in regard to soil working and water conservation, and seed handling and nursery techniques were suggested by Ghosh (1977) for a large number of species. However, in many locations these techniques are not being employed, and this failure is attributed more to economic and social factors than to technical obstacles and is discussed in a later section.

This does not imply that improvement and local refinement of the establishment techniques should not be pursued. Indeed, for every major afforestation site type in the ASAL of India, there are four technical areas in which further work is required to maximize tree survival and growth and to calculate the economic feasibility of tree planting. These include (a) correct choice of species and provenance, (b) development of adequate protection methods, (c) determination of optimum size of nursery plants for field establishment, and (d) determination of methods of management and yields of products especially in mixed crops.

Species and Provenance

For any plantation programme the importance of correct seed source cannot be overemphasized. Within the northern tropical thorn forests the natural vegetation resulting from the local previous and prevailing climate is composed of scattered, slow-growing, thorny members of the Mimoseae family of which Prosopis cineraria (syn. P. spicigera) is most common. Acacia species (especially A. nilotica and A. senegal) are widespread, and Capparis decidua is often conspicuous. Anogeissus latifolia, Azadirachta indica, Erythrina suberosa, and Zizyphus species also occur in the dry scrub forests. As conditions become arid the numbers of local species and their growth rates decline.

While many of these indigenous species can be planted, they may not survive in adequate numbers nor grow sufficiently fast to be economic. Then exotic species introduced from other areas, countries, or continents may be more useful. Some of these may occupy a large natural geographic range within which varying environmental conditions have operated different selection pressures and caused the formation of genetically distinct populations (seed origins or natural provenances). Further, some may have been planted artificially elsewhere outside their natural range and become subject to a different set of natural and artificial selection pressures within the new exotic environment; seed collected in turn from such exotic plantations could also be genetically different (derived provenance: see Jones and Burley 1973).

It is thus desirable for any new plantation scheme and site type to compare the survival, growth, yield, and managerial characteristics of as wide a range of species and populations as possible. A systematic methodology for this research was described by Burley and Wood (1976).

Large numbers of species have been introduced into the ASAL throughout the world, often in a haphazard, uncoordinated manner so that strict comparisons are difficult. Simple lists or detailed descriptions of species can be found in Adams et al. 1978; Burkart 1976; Burley 1978; Delwaulle 1979 a-d; FAO 1976; Ghosh 1977; Goor and Barney 1968; Kaul 1970; Leakey and Last 1980; Maydell 1978a; NAS 1975, 1979, 1980; Radwanski 1977; Webb et al. 1980; and Wood 1980.

Within India the bulk of research for arid zone afforestation was conducted at the Central Arid Zone Research Institute, Jodhpur, between 1958 and 1970. Some 112 provenances of 43 species of Eucalyptus, 64 provenances of Acacia, and 82 other species from 44 genera from more or less isoclimatic regions around the world were established in arboreta at Jodhpur and Pali (Kaul and Chand 1977; CAZRI 1976). E. camaldulensis and A. tortilis were outstanding, and a provenance trial of the former was established in 1966. Provenance trials of Zizyphus and Prosopis juliflora were begun in 1976 and various small trials of indigenous and exotic species have been initiated since then to examine suitability for fuel, fodder, and shelter (table 4). Other species have been reported as potentially useful for afforestation of sand dunes (Kaul 1980), ravine lands (B. Singh 1972; B. Singh et al.1972), shallow soils (R.P. Singh 1972), and dry zones generally (eucalypts only, Sahni and Bahadur 1972). However, the species and sources tested to date do not exhaust the list of populations worthy of trial, nor do the results apply to all site types and management systems in the ASAL although the variation in ecological amplitude for several Indian species is recognized (Gupta 1978).

Significant gains in survival and yield can be expected to follow from expansion of research and extension efforts (see below). However, one of the major problems in conducting species and provenance research is the supply of seed of known source for testing. For a wide-ranging species it is difficult for any one agency to collect seeds from all possible seed sources, particularly if the species occurs in several foreign countries or remote areas. It is even more difficult and wasteful of effort for several agencies interested in a particular species to mount their own individual collecting expeditions. It is therefore desirable for a single agency to arrange the collection on behalf of all likely users. Since 1970, several bilateral assistance agencies (often with moral or financial support from FAO through its panel of experts on forest gene resources) have already taken this initiative with species of wide potential for industrial plantations in the tropics, including Central American pines and some hardwoods (CFI, Oxford, and INIF, Mexico), South-East Asian pines and some hardwoods (FAO, Danish Tree Seed Centre), and eucalypts (CSI RO, Australia, and CTFT, France). It was only recently, however, at the fourth meeting of the FAO Panel (FAO, 1977) that attention was given to the exploration, collection, evaluation, conservation, and utilization of nonindustrial species, particularly species with potential for multiple uses in arid areas. The FAO list is shown in table 5. Under a new initiative of FAO and the International Board for Plant Genetic Resources (IBPGR) of the Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research, a project is proposed for the systematic and internationally coordinated testing of priority species for the arid zone, including Prosopis species and Acacia nilotica, A. senegal, and A. tortilis, which are indigenous to India, plus nine exotic species, and three consultants have already visited eight countries with interest in arid zone afforestation (FAO/IBPGR 1980). Seeds of this group of species will be collected by agencies within countries where they are indigenous and made available to others, rather than by a central agency in a developed country collecting all sources for all users.

TABLE 4. India: Priority Species for Conservation and Provenance Testing

Species

Uses

Characteristics

Fuel Folder Share, shelter Timber, poles Tannin Gum Oil seed Coppice Soil improver Saline soils Drought tolerant Priority
Pods Foliage
Indigenous species
Acacia nilotica (L.) Willd. ex Del. ssp. indica Brenan X X X   X X X     X   X 1
A. senegal (L.) Willd. X X X       X           1
Prosopis cineraria (L.) Druce X X X           X X   X 1
Albizia lebbek ( L.) Benth. X     X X       X X   X 2
Pongamia pinnate Pierre X     X         X       2
Azadirachta indica A. Juss. X   X X X     X     X X 2
Exotic species or provenances                          
i. Immediately available:                          
Eucalyptus camaldulensis Dehnh, X     X X       X     X 1
E. microtheca F. Muell. X     X X       X       1
Acacia aneura F. Muell. X   X           X X   X 1
ii. Seed to be collected and distributed                          
Acacia tortilis (Forssk.) Haynea X X X       X   X X   X 1
A. senegal (L.) Willd.b X X X     X X     X   X 1
A. albida Del. X X X X X         X     1
A. nilotica (L.) Willd. ex Del.b X X X   X X X     X   X 1
Prosopis juliflora (Swartz) DC X X   X     X   X X   X 2
P. tamarugo F. Phillipi X X X X         X X X X 1
Prospopis alba Gris                         2
P. chilensis (Molina) Stunz

not known

                  1
P. nigra (Gris) Hieronymus                         2
P. cineraria (L.) Druceb X X X           X X   X 1
Leucaena leucocephala (Lam.) De Wit. X   X   X   X X X       1
Gleditsia triacanthos L. X   X         X X       3
Bursera penicillata Engl, X     X                 3
Conocarpus lancifolius Engl. X   X X                 3
Terminalia browned Fresen.                         3
Eucalyptus terminalis F. Muell. X     X X     X         2
E. tessellaris F. Muell. X     X X     X         2
E. melanophloia F. Muell. X     X X     X         2

TABLE 5. FAO Panel of Experts on Forest Gene Resources: List of Candidate Species for Non-industrial Uses

Acacia albida Fd Fu F F  
*A. aneura Fd Fu Sh SS
A saligna Fu Sh SS  
A. Iigulata Fu Sh SS  
*A. nilotica Fd Fu FF  
A. peuce Fu Sh SS  
A. sa/icina Fu Sh SS  
*A. senegal Fu FF    
A. tortilis Fu F F    
Argania sideroxylon Fd Fu SS  
Azadirachta indica Fu Sh F F  
Calligonum spp. SS      
Casuarina decaisneana Fu Sh SS  
Ceratonia siliqua Fd Fu    
Eucalyptus astringens Fu Sh SS  
E. brockwayi Fu Sh SS  
E. camaldulensis Fu Sh    
E. gomphocephala Fu Sh SS  
E. intertexta Fu Sh SS  
E. lleucoxylon Fu Sh    
E. loxophleba Fu Sh SS  
*E. microtheca Fu Sh SS  
E. occidentalis Fu Sh SS  
E. ochrophloia Fu Sh SS  
E. salmonophloia Fu Sh SS  
E. salubris Sh SS    
E. sargentli Fu Sh SS  
E. sideroxylon Fu Sh    
E. tereticornis Fu Sh    
*Gleditsia triacanthos Fd Fu Sh SS
Leucasna leucocephala Fd Fu FF SS (for wetter areas)
Prosopis spicigera Fd Fu Sh SS
Prosopis Spp.a Fd Fu Sh SS
Tamarix aphylla Fu Sh SS  
Ziryphus spp. Fd Fu SS  

Emphasis was given to arid zones since this is where environmental amelioration or abuse is likely to have the greatest effect.

*Species marked with an asterisk were selected as priority species for the improvement of agricultural environments and rural living.

Fo= Food
Fd = Fodder
Fu = Fuelwood
Sh 5 Shelterbelt
SS = Soil stabilization
FF = Farm forestry

a. Nomenclature of the American species needs clarification.

It is not yet clear whether co-ordination within India for this project will rest with FRI, Dehra Dun, or CAZRI, Jodhpur; both institutes can claim some experience, either in seed import and genetic conservation (FRI) or arid zone trials (CAZRI). It will probably be absorbed into the FRI based National Bureau of Forest Genetic Resources. What is important, however, is that the seed-lots when accumulated will be used for well-designed, managed, -assessed, and -recorded experiments on a wide range of site types throughout the zone, with the field trials made accessible and the computed results made available to all potential users. Table 6 shows the species, seed sources, and test sites in India for the FAO/IBPGR project. In the case of social forestry programmes for fuel and fodder within the ASAL, normal plantation yields may be expected to begin within four to five years, and results from research trials could be meaningful from three years after planting. This type of trial will apply equally to the ASAL of Kenya, but for all field trials there remains the problem of design and assess ment for areas in which agricultural crops are to be combined with the tree crop. A formidable range of combinations of tree species, crop species, intimacy of mixture, and spacing exists, and the problem of determining land equivalent ratios for such agro-forestry systems has not yet been resolved. Systematic programmes of agro-forestry research have been initiated at the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, Nigeria, and the Centro Agronomico Tropical de Investigaci Ensefianza (CATIE), Turrialba, Costa Rica, and several possible experimental designs have been proposed (Burley 1979).

The most promising species for India and the uses and priorities assigned to them by F R I and CAZ R I are tabulated in table 4. Indigenous and, where possible, exotic sources of these species should be examined in the main planting areas. The 11 priority species within the FAOIIBPGR project are listed in table 6, together with the number of seed sources and locations of test sites. The importance of these trials cannot be over-stressed, and, although financing for the first year of the international project has been approved by IBPGR, there is no guarantee of continued financing. India should therefore take the appropriate action to ensure the continuation and expansion of this vital work.

Seed Supply and Tree Breeding

TABLE 6. India: Sources and Test Sites for FAO/IBPGR Project (FAO/IBPGR 1980)

  Source

Test Sites

Rajasthan

Gujarat (Kutch) Haryana (Saraswati) Punjab (Ludhiana) Maharashtra Total sites
Pali Jodhpur Bikaner Jaisalmer
Eucalyptus camaldulensis 3 Australia X X     X X X X 6
E. microtheca 3 Australia X X     X X X X 6
Acacia aneura 3 Australia X X X   X X X   6
A. tortilis (3 sub-species) 1 local (exotic), 4 Yemen, 3 Sudan, any other available   X X   X X X   5
A. senegal 5 India, Yemen, all available African   X X X X X X   6
A. albida any available X   X   X X X X 6
A. nilotica (all forms) 16 India, 6 Sudan, 1 Yemen plus all others available X X     X X X   5
Prosopis chilensis All available incl. Sudan cultivar X X     X X X X 6
P. tamarugo All available X X X   X X X X 7
P. cineraria 4 India, 2 Yemen   X X   X X X X 6
Leucaena leucocephala Any dry zone (provenances or cultivars) X X     X X X X 6

Note: Should additional seed of the above species become available, it could be tested in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka.

A constraint to planting of the optimum seed source may follow the trials, namely the lack of bulk seed supplies for large-scale planting. Where centralized agencies have undertaken collection of small amounts of seed for trials of industrial species, they have often made efforts also to collect larger supplies of seed for industrial plantation or gene conservation stands.

This may not be feasible for the arid zone project currently being prepared. However, many of the species of interest do seed profusely at an early age so that local supplies should be available, subject to the genetic restriction of collecting from too few parent trees in the small plots of experiments. The majority of countries in the arid zone do not have adequate numbers of trained staff for normal forest management and rarely for research (see below), yet the potential for genetic improvement of arid species is great after the initial choice of optimum provenance because of their variability, early sexual maturity, possibility of vegetative propagation, and potential for multiple uses. It is highly desirable that selective breeding programmes be established for the major species either centrally in India (e.g., at the FRI, Dehra Dun), by each State Forest Department, or internationally. Some basic research will be necessary to determine floral biology, techniques for pollen and seed handling and vegetative propagation for each species, and the development of selection criteria for multiple trait breeding.

Economic, Social, and Institutional Problems

The socio-economic, political, and cultural context of the ASAL constitutes the framework in which forestry programmes are to be carried out. To some extent, this context can be a greater obstacle to tree planting than environmental and technical constraints. A knowledge of this context is crucial if potential obstacles are to be avoided (see studies by Beteille 1965, 1969, 1974; Bose and Jodha 1965; Breman 1974; Chauhan 1967; Dasgupta 1977; Dube 1955, 1977; Griffin 1979; Jodha 1980; Lewis 1965; Mandelbaum 1970; Mathur 1977; Narain, Pande, and Sharma 1976; Pearse 1980; Purohit and Kalla 1978; Shah 1974; Singh and Joshi 1979; Srinivas 1963, 1975, 1977; and the various Village Survey Monographs from the 1960 census for descriptive and theoretical information on the ASAL or on rural Indian society in general).

Cultural/ Perceptions

Some observers have suggested that the concept of wood products as free goods inhibits investment of personal land, labour, or capital in tree planting. According to this view, the problem is that people who have been accustomed to an abundant supply of wood available at no cost other than the labour of gathering it have difficulties, at least initially, in accepting that the concept of scarcity, which they apply to water and arable land, now applies to wood. This, together with their lack of knowledge of and experience in growing and managing tree crops, is said to create a major constraint in afforesting the ASAL. Considering that in India, ". . . a large but not precisely estimated proportion of forest products are obtained free or at nominal rates through rights and privileges" (NCA 1976a), this argument deserves careful attention.

Overall, the validity of the above suggestion is dubious. There are several reasons. One of the most compelling has to do with how the concept of scarcity is to be understood at the local level. An understanding of scarcity is manifested in behaviour and social actions; people are responding continually to the decline of forest stock and individual trees. Evidence of scarcity is present in a number of actions: requirements of more time and labour to procure sufficient wood supplies; the necessity of using less desirable types of wood or substitutes; dietary changes as food requiring less cooking fuel are eaten with greater frequency or as the number of cooked meals are reduced; and the abandonment of land eroded from the removal of its vegetation cover. Decreasing wood supplies can affect other cultural practices. In the village of Magdalla, Gujarat, the 1960 census of India found that the custom of cremating the dead was being replaced by burial because of the "high cost and scarcity of wood." Thus, whether or not villagers subjectively recognize wood as being scarce, their actions demonstrate an acute awareness of its decline.

Another objection to the above suggestion is that it underestimates the technical knowledge that local people commonly hold. As Srinivas (1977, p. 336) has pointed out, a scarcity of resources characterizes life for most of India's rural population; therefore people must utilize any resource they have to its fullest extent. Trees serve many purposes for rural dwellers, including being a source of fuel, fodder, food, medicine, timber, and raw materials for implements and crafts. For example, Srinivas (1977, p. 337) has observed:

Every part of the ubiquitous babu/ (Acacia arabica), including the two inch thorns, are put to use. Its twigs are used for hedging, its leaves and pods are eaten by the ominivorous goat, its wood is used as timber and fuel, short lengths of babul/ twigs are used as toothbrushes, its thorns as pins, and its fragrant flowers to adorn women's hair and to make garlands.

Sometimes particular trees are preferred for certain uses. The 1960 Indian Census Village Survey Monographs, for example, show that the babul was preferred for use in the lacquer crafts industry of Bhirandiara, Gujarat. In many Rajasthan villages, the kheira {Prosopis spicigera) was consumed mainly for fuel, although it was used in some areas for timber and agricultural implements. Several different trees may be used for the same purpose, with a clearly established hierarchy of preference. To some extent, the scarcity of trees in general may not be as important or crucial to the local people as the scarcity of particular species.

The recognition of trees as valued resources is often ex" plicit. Srinivas (1975, p. 135) states that in one community:

The planting of trees at suitable places on one's land was not only welcome from the point of view of agriculture and domestic economy, it was regarded as an altruistic act especially if it was planted where neighbors and passersby could take advantage of its shade.

In the same community cutting down a tree was considered "unethical . . . particularly so if the tree was a yielding one." The economic value of trees is often calculated separately during land transactions. Certain species have special cultural values attached to them, such as being considered sacred or being used only for ceremonial purposes.

In Sarawa, Rajasthan, the peepul and kher trees are used only for ceremonial fires, and their cutting is prohibited, according to a 1960 Village SuNey Monograph. In exploit ing trees, techniques such as coppicing or depending only on twigs and branches for fuelwood are practices used by villagers for consemation purposes. When a tree is cut down villagers generally attempt to use every part of it: " . . . every part was put to use in the house or farm, or in both places. Even the meanest twig was used as fuel after the sheep and goats had stripped it of leaves" (Srinivas 1975, p. 135).

A final consideration on the issue of scarcity is that of seasonality. In many places scarcity of wood tends to be seasonal in character, with wood becoming scarce during peak periods of agricultural activities, when there is no available time to gather wood, or during rainy periods. Prior to such times households often attempt to store wood against later shortages.

To conclude, villagers often recognize various economic and domestic values of trees, and they sometimes convey upon them cultural and symbolic values. Studies world-wide (e.g., Eckholm 1975; Wood et al. 1980) have shown that people generally are cognizant of having to spend more time, having to use other than preferred species, and other changes arising from a decline in the availability of trees. Thus, it is difficult to generalize that the inability to perceive wood as a scarce resource is a major obstacle to afforestation. Villagers often perceive scarcity of wood in several different ways. Furthermore, attitudes toward wood and trees are complex, and in some cases villager attitudes could be said to be conducive to afforestation.

This is not to say that cultural practices and attitudes are always conducive to afforestation. Some cultural adaptations that are rational from the perspective of the local people may be irrational from the forester's viewpoint, as this observation by Srinivas (1977, p. 337) suggests.

The popularity of the goat is measure of the shortage of fodder. Its omnivorousness enables its survival even in our overstocked countryside, and its survival makes arboriculture extremely difficult, if not impossible.

As will be discussed below, market opportunities, demographic pressures, and other factors can lead people to exceed environmental limits without taking remedial actions. Another consideration is that while people may perceive forestry needs as important, they have other priorities, such as obtaining food, shelter, or education, that are felt to be more urgent. The forester, villager, and bureaucrat do not always agree on the priorities in development efforts. However, the point to be emphasized is that a major constraint in any afforestation programme is the failure to take into account indigenous uses and technical knowledge of trees, as well as recognition of cultural attitudes toward trees.

Social and Economic Structure

Awareness of wood as an increasingly scarce resource, however manifested, does not necessarily lead to remedial actions, whether by individuals or groups. Attempts by outside forces, such as forestry officials, to organize projects sometimes fall far short of anticipated goals. Even the highly regarded social forestry scheme in Gujarat has encountered many problems, and its success in some areas may not be as great as earlier reports indicated. In order to clarify and to understand many of the obstacles faced by afforestation efforts, it is necessary to delve into the social and economic context of the project.

Competing Uses of Land and Other Resources

The feasibility of afforestation must be considered within the context of existing land use and resource allocation patterns. Trees compete to some extent with other uses of land, water, labour, and capital. Thus, a knowledge of resource use patterns is imperative if potential obstacles are to be identified and remedied. Furthermore, such knowledge should be viewed within the total context of demographic, market, geographical, and other forces that influence resource use. This section first considers some of the broad forces that have influenced resource use in one particular arid region of India, then it examines the competing uses of resources at the local level.

A succinct and penetrating analysis of changing patterns of resource use in Rajasthan's arid zone is provided by Jodha (1980). An examination of the Rajasthan case is important for two reasons. The first is that Rajasthan holds nearly 63 per cent of India's tropical arid land. The second reason is that afforestation programmes in Rajasthan have met with only limited success, while the problems of deforestation and desertification have continued.

Jodha points out that under the area's traditional resource use system most land was used for grazing. The system also involved mixed farming, with the relative importance of the crop and I livestock components varying according to rainfall zones. In drier areas livestock accounted for the larger share of household total asset value and gross income. Pockets of sustained farming existed where rainfall was more substantial. Jodha (1980, p. 1351) suggests that farming and livestock raising were complementary activities. Practices such as seasonal migration of livestock, crop rotation, and long fallow periods protected against resource over exploitation. At the base of this system was subsistence: the self-provisioning of household needs.

This traditional system of resource use has changed pro" foundry during the past 30 years. Improved means of transport and communications, as well as growing urban demand, have increased the opportunity to market arid area products, particularly livestock products and pulses (Jodha 1980, p. 1352). Increased subsistence requirements, owing in part to population growth, have further intensified farming and livestock production. The importance of drought as a leveller of human and livestock pressure on the land has been reduced by improved relief and resource transfers during crisis periods.

Another factor intensifying land use within Rajasthan's arid zone has been land reform. An important ecological consequence of the reform has been the distribution and subsequent bringing into production of submarginal lands, which are suitable primarily for limited grazing. Further ecological consequences derived from reforms in tenancy and other exploitative arrangements. The abolition of high rents, landlord-imposed animal grazing fines and taxes, periodic gifts of livestock to landlords, and similar exploitative practices has lowered the costs of both farming and grazing land use. While these production costs were being reduced, the prices of wool, milk, and other farm produce increased.

As a response to these markets and demographic and political forces, changes occurred in resource use patterns. Jodha states that many traditionally pastoral people now are farming in addition to their livestock activities, while traditional agriculturalists are adopting dairying and sheep raising as subsidiary occupations. The desire to expand economic activities has not been accompanied by simultanous improvement of the resource base. Besides the movement of agriculture into ecologically marginal areas and overgrazing, especially around watering places, traditional conservation practices such as periodic resting of the land are being discontinued. The consequences of these changes are a deterioration of the resource base and an accentuation of desert-like conditions.

This thumbnail sketch of changing resource patterns suggests that recent commercial, demographic, and political demands have altered the relationship of farming and livestock production to land, water, capital, labour, and thus trees. Strong material incentives now exist for consuming resources in pursuit of farming and livestock production without accompanying measures to protect the resource base. The nature of this "economic development" is not peculiar to Rajasthan but has occurred to some extent in all world regions (see Eckholm 1976). Two important implications arise for tree-planting programmes. First, any attempt at afforestation not only must compete for scarce resources but must increasingly do so within the context of expanding commercial agriculture and livestock production systems whose dynamism depends on the consumption of these resources. Second, the quality of available resources appears to be deteriorating under current use patterns, making even more necessary, yet perhaps more difficult, attempts at afforestation.

Moving to a consideration of resource competition at the local level, the number of complexities increases. For the most part, tree planting probably will take place on land that is usually perceived and treated as "barren" or "wasteland" and is thus economically marginal aside from limited grazing use. The planting of trees alongside canals, railroads, and roads has been very important in demonstrating the feasibility of tree planting. However, some tree planting, particularly by large landowners in Gujarat who have found commercial forestry profitable, has involved the conversion of irrigated plantations of rice, wheat, and other food and industrial crops into eucalyptus stands. While many, and often most, of these crops were not bound for the local internal market, this change in land use suggests some competition between demand for food or an industrial crop such as cotton and commercial wood products. The impact on available food supply and prices should be considered prior to any conversion.

Besides private and government lands, tree-planting efforts are being undertaken on community lands, usually the main resource for grazing and wood products for the poor and landless. Noronha (1980) states that three factors must be taken into account if afforestation projects on communally held lands are to succeed. First, there has to be sufficient land for agriculture within the community. Second, the commons must be large enough so that villagers do not perceive forestry as infringing upon their other uses of the land, such as grazing. Finally, the afforested area ought to be large enough to meet community fuelwood and other wood needs, if only once out of every five years.

According to Noronha, these conditions are seldom met in Gularat and probably elsewhere in the ASAL. Relatively few villages have sufficient land even to meet the seemingly small amount of land that the government asks to be set aside for tree planting If our to six hectares). The common lands often are very small, and, with a large number of people possessing use rights to such a limited area, conflicts arise ( Lewis 1965, p. 94). There is some reluctance on the government's part in some cases to convert the common lands into woodlots because it intends to allocate these lands to the landless and scheduled castes under the "land reform" programme (Noronha 1980). Moreover, the local elective administrative councils, the panchayats, sometimes are reluctant to use the land for forestry because it may compromise potential future uses. That is, not only current use pressures but anticipated future demand creates a general sense of uncertainty concerning land use at the community level.

A common conflict over use of community or private lands is between grazing and tree planting. Livestock, through browsing and trampling, can destroy seedlings and young trees. However, stock raising is an important element in the ASAL economy. Planting trees can mean closing land to grazing for at least a year, which can impose hardships on rural families. A related problem is providing adequate protection for newly planted trees. Importing fencing materials can be costly, a burden for limited-capital households orpanchayats. Local shrubs, trees, and other vegetation often provide hedges and fencing materials. Planting of these living fences or sources of material would have to occur prior to the tree planting itself. Some observers suggest that attention should be given to improving the quality of livestock, so that productivity can be increased while overall numbers are reduced. Such a programme could prove very beneficial, but it is not an easy solution. Problems would include ensuring an equitable distribution of improved stock and preventing overstocking.

The competition between grazing and forestry can be reduced by the planting of quick-growing grasses in afforested areas. In Gujarat, after protection from livestock for a year, land that had been almost barren now produces grass that is used for fodder or harvested by hand (Eckholm 1979, p. 54). The combination of trees and grasses allows villagers to receive economic benefits from formerly marginal lands as well as a quicker return on their investment.

Competition for labour can be a constraining factor for afforestation projects. Periods of peak labour demand in agriculture and tree crops may coincide, with the latter suffering. Moreover, landless and poor rural workers often are obliged to work for their patrons, reducing the amount of locally available labour. In Gujarat labour in forestry programmes has to be supplied by tribal migrant labourers (Noronha 1980, pp. 15-16). The conversion of a cotton plantation into a commercial tree farm by a large landowner was said to create a bigger and more continual (that is, with the work spread out instead of peaking seasonally) labour demand (Eckholm 1979, p. 53), but the long-term effects of such conversions by large farmers remain to be seen.

Problems deriving from the demand for capital in tree planting are discussed in the next section. However, attention will be given here to problems faced by panchayats. Many of the local administrative councils operate at a low financial level. This capital constraint means that priority expenses must be decided upon, and community forestry generally is placed behind other development needs such as agriculture, water, roads, schools, and sanitary facilities. However, the lack of funds itself does not appear to be the most important constraint on social forestry (see Noronha 1980; this is discussed further in the next section); but it does create a need for government subsidies and aid such as providing free seedlings and technical advice. In Gujarat, the Forestry Department sometimes pays for the labourers who care for the trees.

To conclude, afforestation schemes face competition for land, labour, water, and other resources, but these obstacles can be overcome with careful planning and an awareness of both regional and local patterns of resource use. To some extent, tree-planting projects can be made to complement grazing and other land use. Government support for afforestation is essential, and government ambivalence, as in the case of wanting to keep community lands for the purpose of land redistribution, can obstruct tree-planting efforts. Finally, greater attention has to be given to the problem of land shortages at the community level.

The Significance of Caste and Class

Social and economic inequalities are basic aspects of life in rural India. A fundamental element in social and economic organization is the caste system, which traditionally determined occupations, diets, and capacity to act with members of other castes. The caste system has undergone some modification within recent years, and the system was never as rigid or static as it has sometimes been portrayed, but it continues to be significant in social life. Divisions in status and life-style between castes can be quite sharp. Some observers have suggested that caste divisions are somewhat offset by the arrangement of intercaste service and commodity exchanges, the jalmani system, which binds upper and lower castes and is said to make them mutually interdependent. Other observers have been more impressed by the apparent exploitativeness of some of these traditional arrangements.

There are several implications for tree-planting projects arising from the caste system. Perhaps one of the most significant is that a relatively large proportion of India's ASAL population belongs to traditionally disadvantaged groups. Scheduled tribes tend to inhabit more hilly and forested regions. In Gularat, scheduled tribes comprise about 14 per cent of the population, and scheduled castes account for nearly 7 per cent of the state population. These groups still face social discrimination, and they remain among the poorest and least-educated sectors of the population. These groups often provide the migrant wage labour used in tree-planting projects when local labour is unavail able.

Wood-related tasks, such as collecting firewood or making wooden farm implements, are sometimes the responsibility of a particular caste or castes within a village's jajmani system. A study of the jajmani system in a western Rajasthan village found that the Suthars, ranked as an upper caste, were responsible for making and repairing wooden agricultural implements, bullock carts, wooden frameworks for building houses and sheds, wooden household articles, and wooden articles required in socio-religious ceremonies (Bose and Jodha 1965, p. 107). The Bhambis, a lower caste, collected fuelwood and carried wood to the funeral ground for use in the funeral pyre (Bose and Jodha 1965, p. 109). The Suthars served all castes, and their patrons were responsible for supplying the wood. The Bhambis served all castes except those lower in the local caste hierarchy.

The jajmani system is changing throughout rural India, with traditional exchanges of services and goods being replaced by cash transactions. In many areas the number of house holds participating in the system has declined. Sometimes services given by a particular caste are withdrawn. The aforementioned study in western Rajasthan noted that the Suthars no longer would convert logs into fuelwood for use in socio-religious ceremonies (Bose and Jodha 1965, p. 124).

The amount of social distance and socio-economic interaction among castes varies regionally and among communities. In part this is because the number, importance, privileges, and obligations of each caste tend to differ from place to place. Another variable is the interrelationship between caste and economic stratification. Caste and class should not be viewed as two exclusive or even distinctive concepts, since the two often overlap and are related. Many times a village's dominant caste (or castes) holds power not only by virtue of its position within the traditional social hierarchy but also because of its control over strategic resources such as land and water. Differences in wealth also exist between members of the same caste.

Economic inequalities are an important source of division within Indian communities. Gradations of wealth are present even in the poorest communities. Beteille (1974, pp.68-69) points out that minor differences in properly and income may result in sharply differentiated life-styles in terms of housing, dress, education, manner of speech, and political power. Economic inequalities in rural areas are usually based upon, and measurable by, differential access to land, with the quality of land and access to water important variables. The type and number of livestock is another source and indicator of wealth differences. Holding lucrative sources of non-farm income, such as from money lending, trade, or steady salaried employment, is another source of economic differences (see Castro, Hakansson, and Brokensha 1981).

Wealthier households and groups by definition have greater command over resources: capital, land, equipment, and labour (including the ability to hire it or command it through patron-client relationships), and generally better access to public services (agricultural extension, education). This conveys upon them the ability to risk longer term investments, such as tree crops. This is not to say that they are any more "innovative" than other, less wealthy households. Financial ability to innovate and a willingness to do so should not be confused. Rather, wealthier community members, who have more resources to invest and greater reserves to fall back on than their poorer neighbours, can more easily afford to tie up their capital in long-range but potentially profitable ventures such as tree crops that will be ready for harvesting after several years.

Some private investment by wealthy individuals in tree planting has occurred. In Gujarat some wealthier landowners, having recognized the growing demand for wood products, have converted their irrigated plantations of cotton, rice, wheat, and sugar-cane into eucalyptus stands that are coppiced at four to five years and from which all products can be sold profitably. An analysis of one particular enterprise near Ahmadabad recorded internal financial rates of return of 213 per cent for each coppice crop excluding the value of the hectares of land or 61 per cent including land (Gupta 1979). Given this high rate of return, it is no surprise that some entrepreneurs have decided to invest in tree crops instead of annual crops. Approximately 300 landowners have begun growing hybrid eucalypts. Although they cannot all expect the same high rate of return, they will contribute significantly to Gujarat's wood needs and to the rehabilitation of cultivable wastelands in the state (which cover over 550,000 ha).

The apparent success of some entrepreneurs in tree farming suggests that forestry with a high level of fixed investment per unit of land may prove more economical than forestry with lesser investments. That is, capital-intensive forestry may be more productive economically than less intensive capital use. However, there are several consequences and limitations to such an approach. The strongest reason for not relying on a capital-intensive strategy is that it effectively bars participation by the poor and landless, except as employees or clients of the wealthy landowners. Besides the fact that many inhabitants of the ASAL are landless or land poor, a chronic shortage of capital, a lack of reserves to depend on in case of adverse conditions, and the necessity of waiting a relatively long time before any returns on investments are received places poorer households at a severe disadvantage. Programmes such as social forestry based on community or public lands, government subsidies, free seedlings, abundant technical advice, and a cropping system that yields benefits early in the rotation can reduce these handicaps.

There are other problems with the strategy of afforestation based on capital-intensive forestry by wealthy landowners. in the absence of any effective participation by less wealthy community members, and if tree planting continues to be highly profitable, a process of income and land concentration could occur. Besides the financial gain available from the tree crops, the ability to improve formerly economically marginal lands through afforestation may increase land values, creating incentives for entrepreneurs to accumulate land. Unable to compete with the large landowners' greater access to capital and inputs such as irrigation, smaller and poorer landowners may decide to sell out their holdings. While such a scenario may appear gloomy, or slightly far-fetched, the history of "development," whether in arid rural India or elsewhere, is sometimes characterized by the accumulation of wealth by a few and the dispossession of the poor (for example, see Pearse 1980; Griffin 1979). Given the nature of existing socioeconomic and political inequalities in the countryside, the capitalization of forestry, like the capitalization of agriculture, could have the unintended consequence of concentrating land and wealth.

Economic and political inequalities can also pose problems for community-based or social forestry strategies. Officially, a democratic political structure exists at the local level. Administrative power is held by elective corporate councils, the panchayat, at the village, taluka (sub-district], and district levels, Scheduled castes and tribes, as well as women, are represented. Panchayats undertake and control many activities in the areas of agriculture, education, and health that relate to rural development, including regulation of community lands. Although designed to carry the benefits of development to ali villages and their members equally, in some cases an inequitable distribution of funds and other benefits flow to those individuals, families, castes, or factions that dominate the community. Instead of narrowing the gulf between groups, the implementation of policies may occur in such a way as to accentuate them.

Quite simply, a policy that assumes a community of interests may fail because no such community exists. Social relations in rural Indian communities have sometimes been said to be based on feelings of village solidarity, but such an image is often at odds with social reality. The coming together of divergent castes and groups may be limited to socio-religious occasions or ceremonies such as weddings or temple festivals, with each caste performing traditionally defined roles. Furthermore, as Noronha (1980, p. 11) states, "There is no tradition of growing trees that falls within the rubric of traditional common action." Even the right to use common lands may be a source of conflict instead of cohesion: "One might expect the common to be a source of village unity, but here the rights of so many people in so little land have led to bitter quarrels which have been a source of dissension" (Lewis 1965, p. 94).

In conclusion, despite economic, political, and social reforms, inequalities of social ranking and economic position have not been easily erased. While disadvantaged groups have gained some political leverage, the actual structure of power within communities generally continues to reflect the distribution of property and privilege Thus, special consideration must be given to the effects of socio-economic stratification on afforestation programmes and how these programmes will affect different socioeconomic groups. Finally, the importance of wood-related tasks within the local jajmani system should be ascertained.

Forestry Institutions and Training

Most of the states in the ASAL of India have a professional forest service responsible for ail forestry operations, conservation, and wildlife management. Some states have a separate Forest Development Corporation responsible largely for plantations and forest production. Numbers of staff are rarely limited; indeed in many cases the multilayered bureaucratic hierarchy is itself a constraint to action. The professional staff are trained at the Forest Research Institute and Colleges, Dehra Dun, in a long tradition of conservative forest management. The demarcation and conservation of gazetted forest reserves and the exclusion of the public from them have historically been among the most important tasks of the forest officer, often leading to friction between the Forest Department and the public. Nevertheless, there is often a lack of Government commitment to rural development in arid areas and to afforestation in particular.

Only relatively recently has training emphasized multiple use and intensive management of forests, particularly plantation techniques, and to date there is no formal training in extension work and the place of forestry in rural development. Yet, in the ASAL, if the increasing demands for forest products are to be met, more staff will be needed with training appropriate for extension service to communities as well as for the rehabilitation and intensive management of degraded lands and relic forests.

In response to demands for extension training in Guiarat alone, where some 40 district extension officers are required, the Commonwealth Forestry Institute, Oxford, has proposed a one-month training course to be repeated four times each for ten students (outlined in Appendix 1). If this proves successful it may form the basis of a package that could be offered to other states and countries in the ASAL. ICRAF is also discussing with ICAR the possibility of holding joint agro-forestry courses in India..

Since the demand for land for planting trees in the ASAL has to be integrated with the demands for agricultural crop production, there is great incentive for developing management systems that combine both types of crop on the same unit of land, either in an intimate mixture or in sequence. These types of system, known collectively as agro-forestry or agrisilviculture, are currently under intensive study in high potential areas but are equally relevant in some arid areas; again the concepts are not detailed in the current courses at Dehra Dun. Dr. Huxley is preparing a 35-hour teaching package {outlined in Appendix 11) aimed initially at agricultural undergraduates but suitably modified for forestry students. In the absence of such courses, recent forestry graduates are found unsuitable, at least in Gujarat, and there the Forest Department is choosing new agricultural graduates for initial on-the-job experience for two years, followed then by a forestry course at Dehra Dun.

Within the ASAL, technical constraints, while not as important as socio-economic obstacles, require that some research be conducted into choice of species and management system. Details of such research are given below, but a current institutional constraint is the lack of trained research staff. Within many forest departments throughout the world it has been the custom to appoint a research officer from the field staff for a limited period (three to five years) with no special training. Conversely in some countries, particularly in Europe and North America, it is considered essential for a research officer to have postgraduate research training leading to a master's or doctor's degree. Because research in agro-forestry land-use systems requires a particularly well-integrated approach and a critical selection of research methods, some additional training is required. While developing countries can usually find financial support to send students for such courses, they are less able to spare any of their limited staff for the two or three years necessary to achieve the qualifications. It is for this reason that a range of intensive short courses are offered regularly at CFI, Oxford, including the Forest Research Course, the Planning and Management Course, and the Community Forestry Course. (see Appendix III.)

The use of tree breeding is not yet contemplated for the ASAL, but, when the correct choices of species and provenance have been made, genetic improvement will be possible, and trained tree breeders will be required. Appropriate university undergraduate and post-graduate courses are available in Australia, Europe, and North America, but the need for a short course is met by the two-month courses offered at irregular intervals by North Carolina State University. A shorter course has been offered in the past by FAO with DANIDA support in both tree improvement and seed handling. An FAO/DANIDA training seminar and workshop in total arid zone afforestation was presented in New Delhi and Jodhpur in February, 1980, and could be repeated to great advantage for different sets of participating students and countries.

The Gujarat community forestry project

Background and Outline of New Project

Throughout the preceding discussion frequent reference was made to the Community Forestry Project in Gujarat (IBRD 1979a, 1979b). This project is discussed here in more detail because it illustrates the typical constraints to tree planting within the ASAL and the various methods used in attempts to overcome these constraints.

As discussed above, the proportion of forested land in the state is small (10 per cent), and the demands for forest products are great. To provide fuelwood alone 1.5 million ha of plantations will be required in the 20 years from 1980 to the turn of the century. In addition to yielding major and minor products such an extent of forests could offer employment possibilities far in excess of the current 7 million work-days per year demanded for primary production and materially assist in the improvement of pastures and in the rehabilitation of degraded agricultural lands, deforested ravines, and other local centres of desertification.

The rehabilitation and improved management of the existing forest estate would contribute to the forest economy of the state but the forest is not distributed equally throughout the state and, for a more equitable distribution of resources, new forests must be established. To minimize transport costs for wood products and to provide the other forest benefits of climate amelioration, soil and water protection, and pasture or fodder improvement, these new forests must be located near the populations requiring them and hence should be planned and managed at a local level. Some 6 million ha of land are suitable for community forestry plantations; eventually 10 per cent of village commons and other wastelands- which encompass barren and uncultivable land (2.7 million ha), permanent pasture and other grazing land (0.8 million ha), and cultivable wasteland (2.3 million ha) 200,000 ha of degraded forest, 60,000 ha of private agricultural lands, and 60,000 ha of strip plantings could be improved.

In Gularat the concept of involving local people in the responsibility and benefits of forestry did not begin with the Eighth World Forestry Congress (1978, Indonesia, of which the theme was "Forests for People"). Within the state, schemes were established in 1949 to create Forest Labour Cooperation Societies eliminating exploitation of Government forest reserves by private timber contractors, thus increasing financial returns to the forest labourers and encouraging tribal people to recognize the importance of rational management and conservation of the indigenous forest.

Since 1951, plantation forestry has been emphasized, including reforestation of degraded forests and agricultural lands and afforestation of eroded lands and the edges of coasts and deserts, including the establishment of fast growing species. Largely due to the personal dedication of M.K. Dalvi (later Inspector General of Forests for India), a major community forestry programme was initiated in 1969 to establish fuelwood plantations along roadsides and canal banks. Following the success of this initial programme the Gujarat Forest Department created, in 1974, a separate Community Forestry Wing to deal with the establishment of plantations on public and private lands outside the forest reserves, and the first village plantations or common lands were planted. By 1978, 33,000 ha had been planted including 12,000 ha of village woodlots (8 ha in each of 1,500 villages), 10,000 ha alongside roads and canals, and 10,000 ha of degraded forests (see table 7 and fig. 8).

TABLE 7. Gujarat State Plantation Establishment, 1974-1978

 

Area planted (ha)

Category of plantation 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 Total
1. Traditional forestry
Plantations of economic and
industrial importance
 
3,873 4,054 5,045 5,400 5,250 23,622
Plantations of fast-growing
species
 
1,439 1,975 2,046 2,185 1,995 9,640
Plantations on coastal borders 364 330 455 602 820 2,571
Afforestation on desert borders 400 265 1,350 1,560 1,600 5,175
Soil and moisture conservation
and afforestation in denuded
areas
6,461 5,569 4,208 5,400 8,725 30,363
Mixed plantations - - 280 304 1,231 1,815
River valley project 137 690 733 640 914 3,114
Total 12,674 12,883 14,117 16,091 20,535 76,300
2. Community forestry
Roadside and canalside 1,151 1,663 1,646 2,939 2,882 10,281
Village woodlots 924 2,480 2,434 2,996 3,910 12,744
Reforestation of degraded
forests - - 2,000 4,000 4,000 10,000
Total 2,075 4,143 6,080 9,935 10,792 33,025
3. Drought-prone area programme (Ministry of Rural Development)
Roadsides 616 500 - - - 1,116
Afforestation 2,600 8,721 8,130 6,307 8,147 33,905
Village forests 250 610 254 186 140 1,440
Soil and moisture conservation 16,510 6,032 - 1,877 - 24,419
Grassland development 200 2,542 5,743 1,490 8,627 18,602
Total 20,176 18,405 14,127 9,860 16,914 79,482
Grand total (ha) 34,925 35,431 34,324 35,886 48,241 188,807
4. Farm forestry
Seedlings distributed (millions) 8.5 8.5 7.5 25.0 36.5 86.0

The success of this work has led to the demand for its expansion to other villages and hence to the request for financial assistance from the World Bank (IBRD 1979a, 1979b). The five-year project period provides for plantation of 37,000 ha of village woodlots, 30,000 ha of degraded forests, 1,000 ha of private, eroded, agricultural lands, and 37,000 ha of strip plantings alongside roads, canals, and railways. In addition it provides for tree nurseries for project needs and free distribution, maintenance of 25,000 ha of existing plantations, staff and facilities, and the construction of 10,000 smokeless stoves and 1,000 cremation facilities to make more efficient use of available fuelwood and to replace the 1 million tons of animal dung that are currently burned each year,

Demonstration and Public Awareness

The early plantations were established by the Forest Department on state-owned land at the sides of roads, canals, and some railways. These naturally passed close to rural communities and provided the first visible proof that trees could survive, grow, and provide shade and products on what previously was unproductive ground. They also improved the Forest Department's image among the public. Although initially there was some confusion and inefficiency because of the varied responsibility for these lands and trees (Revenue Department, Public Works Department, Railways Board, Forest Department), these are gradually being taken over by the Forest Department and gazetted as protected forest; their major value was the demonstration that trees will grow provided they are protected against cattle. An extensive publicity campaign was initiated to raise public awareness of the benefits of trees through the press, radio, social workers, and the normal forestry extension functions of education, demonstration of techniques, provision of material, and monitoring of progress. (These demand an increasing number and level of skill of extension officers.)

Fencing

The main original constraint to fencing, was the cost, but now the psychological barrier of cheap fences made of split bamboo and thin wire is enough to ensure that herded cattle are kept out of the plantations by the cattle owner. (It is doubtful if the individual, unattended cow would recognize the nicety of a psychological barrier but these are infrequent in the rural areas and all of the people in participating villages would be inclined to chase wandering animals away from village plantations.) In the case of village woodlots, live fences, particularly of thorny Euphorbia species including E. royaliana, are cheap, fast growing, and effective although more preplanning is required to have them established before the trees are planted. (In contrast, barbedwire fences are used by the Directorate of Afforestation and Grassland Development for Arid Areas in Rajasthan, and for these both the initial costs and the maintenance charges are direct constraints on tree planting.) For roadside plantings an outer row of thorny Prosopis species is commonly used as an added protection for interior rows of Acacia nilotica and Albizia lebbeck in saline parts of Gujarat.

Involvement of the People

It is one thing to demonstrate that afforestation is technically feasible on government land; it is quite another to make it attractive for local participation. While the programme of attracting private landowners has been called "a runaway success" (see below), and the community forestry programme has received considerable and favourable attention, overall village participation rates are surprisingly low. A recent report estimates that only about 14 per cent of Gujarat's panchayats are participating (Noronha, 1980, p. 6).

This low rate is surprising in part because of the different approaches used to encourage participation. Talukas (subdistricts) accrue 50 per cent of the proceeds of sales of poles and timber from plantings alongside the road, rail, or canal, and villagers are allowed to collect grass, fodder, fallen wood, and minor produce. Village labour is paid for forestry work either as casual employees within the Community Forestry Wing or as full-time employees within tribal and other socially disadvantaged groups. Village schools are encouraged to raise nursery stock for sale to the Forestry Department, and the children are educated about the principles and benefits of tree cropping. Village forests are established and managed in one of two ways; either the Forestry Department manages them and harvests the products, returning 50 per cent of the sale price to the taluka panchayat, or the villages may become entirely self-helping with only technical advice and perhaps free seedlings from the Forestry Department. The former, called supervised villages, number about 2,500, while the latter, the self-help villages, total around 70.

Noronha (19801 analysed some of the reasons for the apparently slow growth of the community woodlots. He identifies village factionalism as the most important obstacle to the initiation of tree-planting programmes. Other problems described in the study include the panchayats giving higher priority to other needs such as school, water, and sanitation facilities than to forestry; the scarcity of land and labour; and the unwillingness to convert to forests land that is currently needed for grazing or for future uses such as accommodating population growth or land distribution to landless labourers. Some villagers felt that the 50 per cent of returns received by the Forestry Department was too high. Although the scarcity of funds was often cited by officials as a reason for low participation, Noronha observed that many poorer villages had participated in the programme while many richer ones had not, causing him to look elsewhere for relevant factors.

Besides the demonstration effect, Noronha states that dynamic and charismatic leadership has been important in increasing participation. In self-help villages, some village leaders who are respected and trusted by other community members have been able to raise funds and organize efforts for tree planting. Villagers, seeing that trees can be grown profitably, will initiate forests in hopes of raising funds for other community projects, such as schools or sanitary facilities.

Therefore, while the community programme has had some success, social, economic, and political obstacles are retarding its growth. Noronha's analysis is particularly convincing in demonstrating how village socio-economic organization and leadership affects tree-planting efforts. In this regard, he states that village leaders in some cases fail to consult with all sectors in the community, especially the poor and traditionally disadvantaged groups, in deciding whether or not to participate in the forestry programme. Furthermore, he suggests that a problem of distribution may arise shortly as decisions are made on how to distribute the harvests. If harvests are distributed as wood products, such as firewood, then it is likely that all villagers will receive a share. If the harvest is sold, then proceeds most likely will be applied to other needs as determined by the panchayat If this occurs, and Noronha feels it is likely, woodlots would have then failed in their goal of providing for villagers, particularly the poorest ones, fuelwood and other tree products (Noronha 1980, p. 16).

Individual Owners

In addition to the Government and village planting (not all of which will be on arid lands), the Gujarat project is aimed at encouraging individual farmers in the countryside and private individuals and groups in towns to plant trees on their own lands. The farm forestry scheme distributed nearly 86 million free seedlings in 1979, and it is planned to continue offering 30 million annually. To date little is known about their survival and growth; monitoring is required in future.

For the afforestation of private agricultural lands a variety of contractual arrangements are being tested-including the provision of cash advances equal to the estimated value of the agricultural crop, which is then replaced by trees planted and monitored by the Community Forestry Wing.

Multiple Yields

Any plantation established in any part of the ASAL where productive land is scarce in relation to human and cattle populations should provide an array of products and services. While the species and techniques chosen must ensure soil and water conservation and provide shade and shelter as services, they must also yield the immediate requirements of food, fodder, fuel, and poles.

Within the Gujarat project, approximately 90 per cent of all trees planted will yield fuelwood and poles; the remainder will be mainly fruit trees in village woodlots. Approximately 30 per cent of fuelwood trees will also produce leaf fodder, and in some areas entrepreneurs have already contracted for the collection of toothpicks (Rs 1,000 ha -1 years ). The mere fencing of an area against cattle has demonstrably increased the yields of fodder from naturally occurring grasses, and these may be increased further by the sowing of genetically improved grasses and legumes between the rows of trees and by improved pasture management le.g., O.N. Kaul 1977).

Research and Training

The need for continued research in the choice of species and management for the ASAL was discussed above, particularly the importance of the international programme of trials of species and provenances (FAO/IBPGR 1980). The Gujarat project includes provision for a small research institute (with four field stations) staffed by five professionals including an agrostologist, a horticulturist, an ecologist, a soil scientist, and a seed-testing officer. While aiming to increase tree productivity and decrease establishment and maintenance costs, the research group will be involved in monitoring farm forestry activities and the effect of plantations on soil nutrients.

Provision is also made for extending training facilities within the state and sending staff for courses in extension methods to other locations within and outside India. Reference was made above to the proposal for a four-week course (see Appendix I), and the Inspector General of Forests for India is encouraging the Forest Research Institute and Colleges, Dehra Dun, to establish an Extension Directorate.

Conclusions

The results of the community forestry achievements to date and those reasonably expected of the new project in Gujarat support the feasibility of tree planting in a range of difficult climatic, edaphic, and social conditions. Various cost-benefit analyses undertaken by World Bank staff show that financial and economic rates of return of various components of the Gujarat programme are acceptable.

After ten years from the start of the new phase many benefits are evident. Average annual production of fuelwood from village woodlots alone is 386,000 tons. Besides providing fuelwood, the programme has contributed toward meeting needs for poles, fodder, and other wood products. However, it should be recognized that these benefits have not always been distributed in an equitable manner among the targeted population.

In addition to conservation of 15,800 metric tons of fuelwood through the use of improved stoves and crematoria, 105,000 ha of underutilized land will be made productive with the restoration and conservation of soil, and the equivalent of 26,000 people will be fully employed for five years. Above all, perhaps, the "people barrier" has been broken, and both individuals and communities are aware of the benefits of tree planting.

The programme in Gujarat is an excellent example of, though not the only approach to, afforestation and the social and technical methods that may be used to overcome problems. Constraints still exist, of course. A sociological enquiry in 1980 appears to indicate much more deeply rooted and complex social and institutional constraints to tree growing at a communal level, and a fuller assessment of the sociological aspects seems needed.* Professional and technical staff are needed in greater numbers and with more appropriate training, but people and courses are available. Technical aspects of nursery and field operations can be improved, but research methodology is established; only more trained staff are required to develop the methodology for individual site types in Gujarat and the other ASAL of India. Species are already known for all but the most refractory sites, although more attention must be paid to their genetic variability and selective breeding. Methods of involving individuals and communities in tree planting have been developed, but closer monitoring of tree growth and control of the distribution of benefits are required. Despite these limitations, the programme has shown success and future potential in this area of the ASAL in which the populations traditionally show co-operative ability and marked business acumen. In other parts of the ASAL, where these desiderata are less developed, it is more difficult to overcome the socio-economic constraints even when the technical problems can be defeated. Above all, what is needed in pastoral communities is an integrated approach to rural development in which activities with tree and crop species and their efficient use are paralleled by research into the carrying capacity of land, by development of improved breeds of domesticated animals by acceptance of stall feeding, and by public education in the limitation of populations of both domestic animals and man himself either of which may have serious cultural, religious, or political overtones.

Land Tenure and use

The total area of Kenya is 583,000 km, and of this only 17,000 km (2.7 per cent) are statutorily dedicated forest areas (gazetted forests). About half of the forest is on Government land and the other half on trust land (County Council land). With a population of 15 million, the forest area per head of population is approximately 0.12 ha and, with a population growth rate of nearly 4 per cent (the highest in the world), this proportion may be expected to decline unless drastic steps are taken to curtail forest destruction and to increase afforestation.

The forests are generally found in the areas with high potential for agriculture, and there is continual pressure to convert forest area into farms. Approximately 70 per cent of Kenya's forests occur in water catchment areas on the slopes of high mountains and mountain ranges, e.g., Mt. Elgon, Mt. Kenya, Cherangani Hills, Nandi Hills, and the Nyandarua and Mau ranges; the remaining 30 per cent occur outside catchment areas as small isolated blocks from 1,000 to 40,000 ha in extent. During the 1970s, approximately 5,000 ha of forest land were lost by gazetted excision for agriculture, national park development, and urbanization. Some of the indigenous forests have been converted to plantations, mainly of pines and cypresses with some eucalypts, and approximately 300,000 ha of plantation now exist, divided almost equally between the Government Forest Department and private owners (on non-gazetted lands). Virtually all of these plantations exist in the high rainfall areas (over 800 mm) at altitudes of 1,800 to 2,700 m above sea level.

The bulk of the production of the country (excluding marine products) is essentially agricultural since there are few known mineral resources. However, some four-fifths of the country consists of arid or semi-arid lands (ASAL). Of the total population of 15 million, 10 per cent live in ten districts in the arid zone (248,000 km), and altogether 20 per cent live in the ASAL (473,000 km or 82 per cent of the total land area).

Although certain generalizations can be made about the arid and semi-arid lands of Kenya, the term masks the great variety-social and ecological-that is found in the area. A series of spectra is useful to illustrate the complex variations and shadings that actually exist. These might be:

- Control over land: communal to individualistic
- Production system: pastoralism to agriculture and subsistence to commercial
- Settlement patterns: nomadism to sedentarization

Land Control: Communal/Individualistic

Although much literature refers to shifts from communal to individual title, the reality is always more complex, as communal lands were never open to everyone with equal rights. There was always some restriction: for example, a particular kinship group might have rights of grazing on particular lands.

In the 1950s, the colonial government of Kenya started a process of land reform, continued after independence in 1963. Emphasizing first the more heavily settled areas, land reform is now being extended and has affected many parts of the ASAL. But, even when individual title has been given, the land often continues to be used by a lineage or other traditional social group rather than exclusively by an individual.

In the semi-arid areas of Kenya where individual land titles have been given there has already been a noticeable increase in tree planting as landowners wish to secure for themselves an assured supply of fuelwood and building poles.

Instead of using inappropriate labels, it is better to ask "Who has which rights over what lands?" with special reference to rights over trees.

Production: Pastoralism/Agriculture

Most residents of the ASAL have control over some livestock, and most (especially in the semi-arid areas) grow some crops. The precise mix and the specific production system depend on a combination of ecological, historical, and social factors. Of those who own livestock, a distinction must be made between cattle, sheep, goats, camels, and donkeys as some references exaggerate the importance of cattle, whereas other forms of livestock may equal or surpass cattle in significance and/or numbers.

Production: Subsistence/Commercial

Both agricultural and pastoral systems of production usually include both subsistence and commercial (cash) sectors. Again, wide variations are found: some farmers may plant large fields of cotton for sale; some herders will regularly sell livestock at the markets, while others enter few cash transactions unless they have a pressing need for money.

Settlement: Nomadism/Sedentarization

This is another misleading dichotomy, because some form of transhumance is common for those whose livelihood derives primarily from their herds, and true nomadism is seldom found. Transhumance involves a seasonal pattern of migration in search of grazing and water within a defined area. Even those residents of the semi-arid areas who are predominantly agriculturalists frequently have dispersed farm plots, in an attempt to minimize risk of crop failure. Other variable factors include the following.

Adaptive Strategies

Recently, anthropologists and other micro-level social scientists have paid particular attention to adaptive strategies or risk-aversion behaviour of people who live in marginal environments such as the ASAL. Given that people live in an area that is subject to all sorts of risks and hazards-crop failure, insect and bird pests, animal marauders, livestock disease, and, in some cases, hostile neighbours-how do people cope? Whenever detailed and systematic studies have been made, it is clear that each society has evolved successful mechanisms of coping. This is not to say that local people have completely mastered their hazards, nor that their strategies are necessarily appropriate today with major changes in population density or technology. But it does mean that an understanding of indigenous knowledge systems (see Brokensha et al. 1980) is essential before preparing any specific proposals for development.

Social/ Stratification

What is the degree of rural inequality? (See Castro et al. 1981 for a discussion of indicators.) Who controls wealth and resources -livestock, pasture, water, credit, good land? What is the degree of occupational specialization? What is the number and influence of teachers (and other government officials), of traders (especially livestock traders) and shop keepers and lorry owners?

Degree of Modernization

This can be measured by basic figures on schools, clinics, and other services or especially in the semi-arid areas) by such proxy indicators as the proportion of dwellings that are at least partly roofed with corrugated iron.

Rural-Urban Links

None of the societies concerned is a closed system. All have links with the outside world, which include export of cash crops, livestock, and migratory labour to plantations and cities. Labour migration varies from place to place. In some areas, migration is a well-established adaptive strategy for coping with recurrent periods of food shortage. There is also a steady stream of imported goods, people, and ideas, so that any ASAL society must be considered in its total socioeconomic setting.

One important rural-urban link consists of charcoal production. With growing demand by townspeople for charcoal as a relatively cheap and preferred fuel, charcoal production increases in the ASAL. Driving along main highways in the ASAL (Mombasa-Voi, Meru-lsiolo, and, further north, Mtito Andei-Kitui), one sees stack after stack of charcoal sacks piled up on the roadside and waiting collection by one of the specialist lorry owners. Poor people treat charcoal as a cash crop, and it is indeed a useful source of cash, but the long-term effects of charcoal production are usually disastrous, in terms both of reducing trees available for fuelwood and of accelerating soil erosion. Some observers (e.g., Kokwaro 1974, p. 18) have suggested the use of improved kilns rather than the traditional covered hod, but kilos are too costly for most producers.

Trees

Trees have many uses, some of them conflicting. They are a source of fodder for livestock, wood fuels, shade, building poles, and tool handles. Some trees are multipurpose. People's perceptions of trees vary, with the agriculturalists often having more negative attitudes, desiring to clear their arable land of all trees. Some pastoralists also like to clear trees because they harbor tsetse flies.

Marginal Lands

A major problem results when pressure of population drives people to attempt cultivation on the drier lands, many of which are both very vulnerable and also often unsuited to rainfed agriculture.

Communications

How well is the area served by all-weather roads, and by regular markets? How many people have access to a transistor radio? (Radios are likely to be an important source of information, as there are virtually no television sets in the ASAL, and very few people read a daily newspaper.)

Settlement Patterns

What is the density of population, and to what degree is it concentrated or dispersed? How many small towns or market centres exist ?

To summarize, the ASAL population consists of a range of agricultural and pastoral types. There is some commercial agriculture in the ASAL, but it has tended to be limited by physical resources, such as lack of rainfall and poor soils, as well as by socio-economic considerations, including poor transport facilities and a shortage of capital. Subsistence-oriented production, supplemented by seasonal labour migrations and various non-farm activities, continues to be important There is some landlessness, and it is being accentuated by rapid population growth. The pastoral population is comprised of sedentary, transhumant, and nomadic groups who are involved in varying degrees of subsistence and commercially oriented production. The bulk of Kenya's cattle, sheep, and goats are found in the ASAL (Kaufman 1976, p. 255).

Demographic and socio-economic changes have produced important consequences for the ASAL population and environment. (See Hecklav 1978.) The ASAL population has always been subject to periodic fluctuations in rainfall, with the constant threat of livestock losses, crop failures, and food shortages. Traditional responses to seasonal and periodic droughts included temporary migration of both humans and livestock, relying on local wild game and vegetation and exchanges with other areas of stock and labour for food. Within recent decades wage labour, non farm commercial activities, the establishment of commercial livestock and agricultural markets, and improvement in roads and transport, allowing for the easier importing of goods, have reduced in some areas the levelling effect of droughts. People can now purchase food in stores. Moreover, the growth of commercial livestock and agricultural markets have created incentives for intensifying production, increasing herd sizes, and expanding farm operations (see O'Leary 1980).

These changes have not been experienced in all areas of the ASAL. Transport facilities and involvement in labour, livestock, and farm markets remain limited. However, population growth in itself has led to an intensification of resource use, with herd sizes increasing and agriculture pushed into marginal areas.

As in other areas of the sub-Saharan belt, environmental deterioration is occurring in Kenya's ASAL. Over-grazing, soil exhaustion from intensive or continuous cultivation, the expansion of grazing or farming into environmentally sensitive areas, and the general over-exploitation of vegetation and soil resources have been in large part the result of demographic and socio-economic changes and pressures.

Land degradation in areas with such harsh ecological conditions is difficult to repair, and trees and forests have a major role in protecting the rural environment for current and future generations. Yet at present virtually no protected forests exist.

Perceptions of Trees

All detailed studies of uses and perceptions of trees by rural peoples show that there is an extensive ethnobotanical knowledge, with a keen appreciation of species" properties, and that trees are used for a wide variety of purposes. Settled agriculturalists, who have more material culture, probably have more uses than do the transhumant pastoralists. Parts of trees are used for fuelwood and construction timber and also for tools, weapons, musical instruments, dyes, glues, medicines, poisons, fibres, fences, clothing, adornment, ritual purposes, hanging beehives, and other needs.

People in these regions vary in their knowledge and experience in growing and managing tree crops. One example from Kenya indicates that local people knew more about the techniques of propagating one species (Melia volkensii -the seeds must pass through a goat's intestines) than did government forestry officials (Brokensha et al. 1980, p. 123). Generally, people show an unusual degree of resilience in coping with changes in an important resource base. However, experience shows that certain individuals - women, the elderly, ill, handicapped-are likely to suffer more than those who have more effective control over societal resources.

Definition and distribution of the arid and semi-arid zones

As stated, for the purpose of this report an exact definition of aridity is unnecessary, and the areas principally considered are those recognized as arid (350-500 mm annual rainfall) and very arid (200-350 mm) by the Government of Kenya (1979), although some of the discussion refers equally to semiarid areas (500-800 mm). The 500 mm isohyet is shown in figure 2 (page 3), the total area receiving less than 500 mm rainfall being 379,000 km.

Government policy on arid zone development

The Government of Kenya is seriously concerned about the welfare of people in the drier areas of the country. In the Five-Year Development Plan (1978-1983) there is special emphasis on the development of the ASAL, and an interministerial task force was set up in 1978 to define issues in ASAL development and to assist in preparing the framework for a co-ordinated approach. This framework was published (Government of Kenya 1979) to provide guidance to all ministries, aid donors, and nongovernmental organizations on the Government's objectives and strategies for the programme.

The emphasis is on the alleviation of poverty through providing basic needs and increasing employment and opportunities to earn income. The people of the ASAL are among the least advantaged in the country. It is the aim of ASAL development to improve the health, education, nutrition, and skills of the people while exploiting the potential productivity of the areas. This requires rehabilitation of degraded lands and conservation of existing resources by appropriate management. The total activity in the ASAL will be seen in the light of a national development that, in the past, has tended to concentrate on the high-production areas.

Forestry organization and policy

The Forest Department within the Ministry of Natural Resources is organized like the forestry departments in many Commonwealth countries, with a Chief Conservator of Forests aided by two assistant Chief Conservators and eight Conservators of Forests with responsibility mainly on an area basis. These are supported by Assistant Conservators responsible for the detailed management of forests on a district basis. In addition there are specialist posts for silviculturist , entomologist, pathologist, engineer, utilization officer, and economist, giving a total professional staff of approximately 60. In addition there are some 200 higher technical staff, 1,500 lower technical staff, 8,000 resident workers, and 4,000 casual employees. This appears to be a large force to deal with the relatively small proportion of land under forest, but it must be remembered that the forests are scattered throughout much of Kenya, offer with poor communications, even though the bulk are in the accessible, high-production areas.

The Sixth Commonwealth Forestry Conference, held at Ottawa in 1952, resolved that each country should, as a matter of urgency, publish a statement of forest policy and that the statement should be implemented by the Government concerned. Kenya published its first policy in 1957, and this was restated by the Government of independent Kenya in 1968. It declared that, for the greater common good of all, forests in the country should be managed according to a number of critical principles: reservation of land for forest purposes; protection of forest estates; promotion of wood-using industry; provision of adequate finance; employment relief; advice on county council and private forests; public amenity; and research and education facilities. These are standard criteria in most national forest policies and cannot be criticized. Unfortunately, to carry out a policy requires legislation, but the existing forest legislation in Kenya predates the policy (the Forest Act, 1911) and it was not framed to meet the current policy. A more detailed policy and appropriate legislation are currently in preparation (Kamweti 1979).

Rural afforestation and extension

Until the early 1970s little was known by Forest Department staff about any forests outside the gazetted forest areas, partly because of deficiencies in the legislation and partly because they were of very low priority. The arid areas were considered a problem for range management officers to deal with rather than foresters. Since 1975, however, the Forest Department has been engaged in a Rural Afforestation Extension Scheme (RAES). The ultimate aim is to have an advisory or extension forester in each of Kenya's 41 administrative districts, and to date some 26 districts have a measure of support from the Forest Department within the RAES.

The scheme began with the more highly populated districts where potential productivity was greater and where adjacent, indigenous forests existed. It has now spread to the ASAL in such districts as Turkana, Narok, Kajiado, Garissa, and Tana River. It is difficult to obtain precise figures on areas or trees planted, or on survival and yield of useful products, but the Forest Department is currently requesting a large component for the RAES to be included in the World Bank's Third Forestry Project Loan now in preparation. The objects are to prevent the uncontrolled destruction of existing vegetation and to enable rural populations to satisfy their requirements.

Needs for forest products and services in the arid zone

The further one progresses into more arid areas the more difficult it becomes to obtain information on the demand and supply of wood products. This is because (a) a large proportion of the population migrates, whether pastoralists or agriculturalists seeking wage labour; (b) wood continues in some areas to be a non-commercial item, freely available except for the labour and time spent gathering it; (c) the needs for wood are few and relatively simple so that wood processing is minimal; (d) an undetermined amount of wood is being exported out of the ASAL and into towns, cities, and other market sites; (e) government recording staff are few, with poor transport and limited resources; and (e) methodologies for measuring wood production and consumption tend to be unclear, and crucial variables such as seasonality, fluctuations in household size, differences in economic position among households, and other important variables are left unconsidered.

In Kenya most of the surveys that have concerned the ASAL dealt with fuelwood, and there have been few estimates of total wood use, As part of the UNESCO-UNEP Integrated Project on Arid Lands (IPAL), Synnott (1979), in an excellent review of tree planting in northern Kenya, made some observations of wood use and reported those of Grum and Hussein Yussuf. Among the nomadic people in the IPAL area (Marsabit, Mt. Kulal, Ngurunit) the main food is uncooked milk, sometimes with fresh blood, so that fuel is not needed for cooking or heating, and the consumption is probably 0.1 m ha -1 year -1. Since living trees and shrubs are widespread, there is no evidence of general fuelwood shortage in northern Kenya except around some settlements (e.g., Kargi). Even house poles are not in short supply because they are conserved carefully during moves and may last up to ten years. The largest use of wood is for the construction of bomas (encirclements to protect domestic animals at night) and Synnott (1979) estimated a demand for 1.5-3.0 m year 1 for each person,

As settlement in the arid zone increases or as we progress into less harsh areas where agricultural production increases, demands for wood also rise. The standard of housing improves, towns and villages become larger, and demands for fuelwood and charcoal increase. Studies of the total energy requirements in Kenya are currently in progress by the Swedish Beijer Institute and by the US Agency for International Development.

In the absence of indigenous coal and oil in Kenya, wood has been the major energy source for cooking and industrial heating. In 1978, estimated consumption of fuelwood was 26 million metric tons annually, but the officially recorded consumption is only 24,000 metric tons. Estimated consumption of charcoal is 310,000 metric tons, while official records show only 15,640 metric tons. For the unrecorded consumption of both fuelwood and charcoal, trees outside Government gazetted forests are felled and not usually replaced (Kamweti 1979). Many estimates of fuelwood consumption have been made for all or part of Kenya, and 12 reports were summarized by Hall (1980) in an appendix to the issue paper on biomass energy for the United Nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy in Nairobi in 1981. In Kenya fuelwood provides cooking and heating energy requirements for 90 per cent of the population at a per capita consumption rate of 1-4 m year -1 (with all but one of the estimates falling in the range 1-2.5 m year -1 ); 80 per cent of the urban population rely predominantly on charcoal (approximately 0.1-0.17 metric tons per person per year). Together, wood and charcoal account for 70-80 per cent of total energy requirements (see also Brokensha and Riley 1978; Maung and Mounier 1979; Mungala 1979; Openshaw 1978, 1980; Openshaw and Morris 1980; Western and Ssemakula 1979.)

A recent fuelwood survey (in preparation for a third World Bank forestry loan) suggested that in the arid zone 1.5 million people consume 1.5 million m of fuelwood and 180,000 metric tons of charcoal for domestic use; these are equivalent to a total of 2.5 million m round wood (Akinga 1980). A further 4.3 million m are believed to be required for commercial, institutional, and industrial purposes within the arid zone. Assuming an annual growth rate for wood of 8 m ha -1 these would require 0.8 million hectares of plantation or their equivalent in hedgerow and farm or village woodlots. This is close to the estimate of 1 million hectares of plantation needed for the whole country by the year 2000 for a population of 34 million made by the World Bank Renewable Energy Task Force study in 1980; this study allowed for 25 per cent substitution by alternative fuels and 15 per cent of the residual needs to be provided by natural forest. Whichever is the more precise estimate, there is no doubt about the very urgent need for tree planting for fuel as opposed to the 300,000 ha of industrial wood plantations.

In addition to the direct production of wood and wood products, trees will play an important part in the restoration of degraded lands and in the protection of land from further desertification through creation of shelterbelts, soil stabilization, and improved soil nutrient supply and water holding. At the same time as trees are being established, however, it will be essential to attack the causes of desertification; these are illustrated in figure 9 (from Lamprey 1978) and considered below under social and economic constraints.

Current programmes of afforestation in the arid zone

Government

Although some 26 districts are now nominally included in the Government Forest Department's Rural Afforestation and Extension Scheme, only three actually have an extension forester to advise local communities or to provide planting stock. Consequently the achievements to date have been small and confined to the higher rainfall areas of the zone. The department's research section has undertaken trials of species and plantation techniques in marginal lands, notably at Bura, Siaya, and Narok, and extension foresters are encouraged to establish trials in their districts. (In contrast to arid zone afforestation, the idea of fuelwood plantations is not new in Kenya, and some 30,000 ha exist in high rainfall areas.)

The projected expenditure for the Rural Afforestation and Extension Scheme in the five year plan period is KSh 6.4 million (US$17 million) with an additional KSh 560,000 (US$1.5 million) for the afforestation component of the Machakos Integrated Development Project.

In addition a Local Afforestation Programme was planned to include the prevention of soil erosion, protection of water catchment areas, and provision of fuelwood and building poles for the rural populations of the Machakos, Kisii, Turkana, Kisumu, Taita Taveta, Kericho, West Pokot, Trans Nzoia, South Nyanza, Baringo, and Samburu districts. Total expenditure in the plan period is KSh 2 million (US$5.4 million).

Silvicultural and genetics staff at the Kenya Agricultural Research Institute* (formerly the East African Agricultural and Forestry Research Organization, Muguga) are beginning to become interested in research for arid zone afforestation, and the Department of Forestry in Nairobi University is also initiating a research project on species testing and nursery technique development at Kibweze (Machakos), but there is little on the ground to date.

International and Bilateral Agencies

As part of the Government of Kenya's strategy for development of the ASAL, various districts may be allotted to different assistance agencies. Several have begun operations or are preparing projects, including the World Bank (Baringo), European Economic Community (Machakos), United Kingdom (Isiolo, Embu, and Meru), Germany (Marsabit, Mt. Kulal, and Ngurunit), Norway (Turkana), and United States (Kitui). (See Uvoo 1978.) Most of these include tree planting, and all will face the constraints to tree planting discussed below: their multiplicity in itself acts as a constraint since, for their preparation and operation, they all demand considerable contributions of the same few skilled staff in the Government Forest Department. These same staff are required to prepare and manage routine work, including the second World Bank loan for plantations just finishing and the third project now in preparation. Furthermore, many are "integrated projects" and thus concern several ministries, including Environment and Natural Resources (with its Natural Environment Secretariat), Wildlife Conservation, and Livestock Development (recently separated from Agriculture). This complexity adds to the difficulties of identifying, preparing, appraising, and managing projects.

The International Council for Research in Agroforestry, together with the Faculty of Agriculture at the University of Nairobi, has prepared a project to determine whether certain types of agro-forestry might not arrest the degradation, improve food and wood production on a sustained basis, and raise the living standards of the people who occupy marginal and semi arid lands. Field research will be conducted at Kibwezi in the semi arid zone (ICRAF 1979) when a donor has been found.

A small number of species trials were established in the Mt. Kulal area as part of the UNESCO/UNEP Integrated Project on Arid Lands (IPAL: see Lamprey 1978), and these have been handed over to local mission stations for continued maintenance.* The place of trees and shrubs in the prevention of desertification in the northern parts of Kenya was stressed by Lamprey (1978), and his illustration of the interacting factors contributing to desertification is reproduced as figure 9 since, in broad terms, these factors apply to the entire marginal ASAL of Kenya.

Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs)

Although many small local community organizations, schools, Boy Scouts, and others do plant trees, some within the ASAL, particularly when encouraged by Government or national treeplanting days, the numbers of trees planted and their survival and growth are not easily assessed.

The largest identifiable group of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with an interest in tree planting are the religious groups, including the National Christian Council of Kenya, the Salvation Army, and the Catholic Relief Service. Through their field missions and stations, which are largely concerned with the settlement and development of rural people, they have established plots of trees from a range of species in a variety of sites from Baringo north to Turkana and Marsabit. (See Paetkau 1980.) In many areas of Kenya, there is a marked correlation between Christianity (and westernization) and tree planting. A neat avenue of Grevillea robusta or a stand of eucalyptus often indicates a Christian homestead.

Overcoming the major obstacles to tree planting

Environmental Constraints

As in India, the major environmental constraints in Kenya are high temperature, low rainfall, and soil characteristics (depth of rooting zone, alkalinity/salinity). Human resource constraints and the lack of meteorological data imply that accurate determination of the degree of aridity can be done in only a few places. However, a greater problem in the ASAL of Kenya is the erratic nature of annual precipitation. Not only does this imply very low precision in establishing isohyets (e.g., figure 2) but, more important, it necessitates repeated trials of species and afforestation techniques over several years. Results of survival and growth from a trial in a year of relatively abundant moisture cannot be extrapolated reliably to years of relative drought.


FIG. 9. Some Causal Factors in Desert Encroachment in Northern Kenya (based on Lamprey 1978)

Because of the natural and man made scarcity of vegetation in the ASAL and the poor texture of the surface layers of the soil, rainfall is often not conducted to deeper soil layers for storage and use by plants but is lost as surface run off with consequent erosion. These problems could be mitigated by the re establishment of vegetation and by the use of planting and cultural techniques that conserve the limited precipitation and make it available to the tree crop.

Because afforestation in Kenya to date has been con centrated in the high rainfall areas, there is little experience in planting in the ASAL. Consequently the various pitting, ploughing, subsoiling, terracing, and other ground preparation techniques that are established elsewhere (see chapter 2 or Ghosh 1977 for examples from India, or Delwaulle 1979b) have not been evaluated fully.

It is true that the systems developed in one region, country, or district are not necessarily optimum in another area, but they may be good starting points for research and development. The low agricultural productivity of the ASAL and the relatively low density of the human population suggest that methods of site preparation and tree crop establishment that are traditional elsewhere (such as the taungya or shamba systems) will not be suitable. Further, as Owino (1980) pointed out, the soil conditions in arid areas dictate that soil disturbance be minimized so that minimum tillage if not zerotillage methods are ecologically appropriate, although water conservation measures will be necessary, including post-planting weed control to minimize competition for limited water supplies. Mulching, including woody mulch, is also promising (Huxley 1981). On the other hand, as stressed by Delwaulle (1979a), the variation in soil type is so great over small distances that typical pure plantations do not capitalize on the site potential and are less productive than mixed crops, indicating that agro-forestry combinations may be the optimum land use despite the added competition for water. The range of crop combinations, spacings, and cultural methods (described for India in chapter 2) must also be evaluated in Kenya.

Whatever the ground-preparation method adopted, it must be timed to coincide with the onset of the rains and, if any form of artificial irrigation is to be contemplated to allow pre rain planting, it must be given in a form and frequency to encourage the natural pattern of root growth of the tree species. However, in many areas at the end of a dry season, water is often not available in sufficient quantities for humans and domestic animals so that pre rain irrigation of trees is unlikely to be feasible. Barrow (1980), a missionary noted for his trials of tree and agricultural crops near Nginya (Baringo), has suggested that deep planting holes with microcatchments (i.e., ridges surrounding saucer-shaped depressions, see fig. 6), should be prepared to collect 50-100 litres of water from the first rains, which would act as a reservoir facilitating tree survival and growth when planting is carried out at the second rains (some two to four weeks later); this technique has had considerable success.

The problem of tree planting on saline soils is similar to that encountered in India (chapter 2), but less is known in Kenya of the distribution and management of such soils. Fewer resources (of water, staff, engineering, or finances) are likely to be available for large scale flushing or soil amendment, and the most likely approach is the choice of salt-tolerant species. In the United Kingdom's proposed technical assistance project, a research station on saline soils is suggested for Isiolo.

Technical Obstacles

Nursery and Plantation Techniques

The technical obstacles form the group of constraints to tree planting that can be most easily overcome Techniques for raising nursery stock for subsequent out planting are reasonably well known for the ASAL (see chapter 2 and Ghosh 1977; Goor and Barney 1968; Kaul 1970; Synnott 1979; Weber et al. 1977) although they are not apparently widely known in Kenya. They are based mainly on polythenetubed seedling stock, cuttings, or stumps. For each species and major site type the optimum morphology of planting stock neds to be determined; although tube size should be minimized to reduce transport and handling costs, it must not be so small that out-planted stock are too small to survive. Also the common practice in wetter areas of root pruning to induce a fibrous, compact root system without a tap root may not be applicable to plants for the ASAL in which a strong tap root is desirable to seek the limited moisture at great depths in the soil. Research is needed into the feasibility of using growth retardants in the nursery to improve pre-planting hardening and antitranspirants for reduction of post-planting water requirements.

Ground preparation and crop cultural techniques already known to maximize water availability were discussed above in relation to the environmental constraints. These have not been assessed in Kenya, and research and development are needed before adequate extension advice can be given. Mulching with organic material would decrease weed competition and increase the water holding capacity, and it is likely to be practical even in arid areas that are already sparsely vegetated provided that woody mulch is used.

Disease and insect protection may be required in future for plantations, and protection against fire and domestic animals (see below) will certainly be needed in the ASAL of Kenya, thus adding to the costs.

Virtually nothing is known of the costs and benefits of nursery and field operations, and these will undoubtedly vary with the site, species, techniques, and labour available. It is essential to have this information precisely estimated for appropriate appraisal of land development projects. Distinction must also be made between revegetation projects (planned mainly for soil and water conservation with no premium on forest products and in which many species should be incorporated to maximize the chance of some usable products) and afforestation or agro-forestry projects (with one or several end products required from fewer tree species either pure or mixed with agricultural crops or pastures); both requirements exist within the ASAL of Kenya.

Species and Provenance

A large number of species have potential for planting in the ASAL of Kenya. Notable successes have been achieved in other African countries and some species have already succeeded in arid areas of Kenya itself. Owino (1980) listed 33 species, but his definition of the arid areas included those with annual precipitation of 250- 1,150 mm; Synnott (1979), however, described some 77 species or genera with potential in the ASAL of northern Kenya (up to 600 mm rainfall) and also classified them by site adaptability, uses, and livestock palatability. The UNESCO/ IPAL project established 49 taxa of trees, shrubs, and herbs at 11 fenced stations in three ecological zones, and after one to three years six species show promise. Other species were listed in Delwaulle (1979c, 1979d) and in the many references given in chapter 2.

Together these reports offer a large number of possible species, but this large choice is itself a constraint. First, it is difficult to obtain seeds or other propagules of many of the species and their provenances; for some of them even the nomenclature and taxonomy are confused. Second, little is known in Kenya about correct seed handling for many species. Third, even if these first two problems were overcome, it would be a major technical and managerial task to undertake the design, management, and evaluation of systematic trials of such large numbers, particularly if many provenances are available. Fourth, the "pickthewinner" approach is wasteful of resources.

The large number of potential species and populations should be reduced on the basis of ecological comparability, physiological understanding of drought and salt tolerance, and experience elsewhere. It was shown in chapter 2 that in India a large number of species and provenances have been systematically tested and a few chosen as having great promise. Some of these will undoubtedly be of value in Kenya, and Kenya should participate to the greatest extent possible in the FAO/IBPGR international trial of tree species for the arid zone with replicated trials on a large number of sites. These may be in the areas assigned to individual bilateral and multilateral assistance projects but should be centrally co-ordinated and evaluated by the silvicultural research staff of the Kenya Forest Department and KARI. The facilities at KARI should be upgraded to facilitate the selection, storage, distribution, and documentation of seeds.

Economic, Social, and Institutional Problems

Sources of Wood

It was shown above that actual consumption of fuelwood alone within Kenya may be as much as one thousand times the officially recorded consumption, although the estimates of Kamweti (1979) were somewhat higher than those of Western and Ssemakula (1979) and certainly higher than those cited by Hall (1980) and Howe and Gulick (1980). Whatever the exact figure, it is clear that vast quantities of fuelwood are being removed (largely from areas outside forest reserves), that demand is increasing as the population increases (at a rate that is virtually the highest in the world), and that both urban and rural demand are such that transport distances have increased between growing area and user (increasing the need for conversion of wood to charcoal).

It is true that all these contribute to the removal of forest and tree cover with no attempt at artificial replacement and the consequent damages of desertification. Until recently the cost of fuelwood in most urban and some rural areas equalled or exceeded the costs of kerosene or butane, which mitigates against further use of wood. However, traditional methods change slowly, and it may be more effective to offer cheap, efficient wood-burning stoves than to rely on a further massive swing to the use of butane or kerosene. As shown by Openshaw (1980), the substitution of non-renewable energy is neither economically nor practically feasible, and renewable energy sources such as biogas and solar heaters are at best only partial solutions. For the Machakos area discussed by Openshaw and for many other parts of the ASAL, the simplest and most practical solution is to guarantee the fuelwood supply by investing in plantations, woodlots, and agro-forestry. However, it should be noted that the study by Openshaw understates the costs and overstates the benefits to farmers of growing fuelwood by giving it a value equal to its price in Nairobi.

Cultural Attitudes toward Wood

Wood is often said to have been a free product in the past, but careful attention has to be given to how "free" was defined by the local people. Depending upon the society, access to land and trees were sometimes formally defined, with access determined by whether one was a member of a particular group. For example, to have rights of access and of gathering wood in a certain area one would have to belong to a particular lineage or other kinship group. Although some Kenyan agricultural societies are said to have been important agents of deforestation in expanding their settlements and farms, these groups sometimes formally recognized the value of trees. Leakey (1977), in his study of the pre-colonial southern Kikuyu (often said to be one of the most active groups in causing deforestation) points out that local councils sometimes set aside forest areas to be protected and maintained.

Wood is also a crucial resource for pastoralists. Many stereotypes of pastoralists exist, with some viewing them as "sons of the desert," while others suggest that "fathers of the desert" might be more accurate. In a recent study of the Masai, Western and Dunne (1979, p. 75) found that they have a "sophisticated knowledge of the environment," and the Masai "exhibited an appreciation of environmental processes and characteristics." These generalizations can probably be applied to other pastoral groups.

Western and Dunne emphasized that the presence or absence of vegetation is an essential element in settlement site selection among the Masai. No settlement is possible in areas devoid of woody vegetation because materials are needed for construction and fuel (Western and Dunne 1979, p. 92). At the same time densely vegetated areas are not favourable because of danger from predators. Western and Dunne also state that settlements generally are located near a good supply of wood because demand for it is so substantial and that collection efforts might be minimized. The Masai recognize particular values of trees and bushes:

Firewood is selected on the basis of its hard, dry qualities to provide a long burn with minimum smoke emission. Many species fulfill these criteria, but there is nevertheless a conscious selection. Because fuel demands are low compared to the amount of material needed in the construction and maintenance of the settlement fence, relatively long trips (to supplies) are possible and settlements are usually closer to construction materials than to firewood.

Choosing different settlement sites during seasonal and yearly migrations allows vegetation to regenerate.

Some observers suggest that the concept of wood as a free product inhibits tree-planting efforts, since people do not perceive wood as being scarce. The time and labour of women and children who collect most of the wood are not seen as having a cost by the local people. Such a view fails to take into account some important socio-economic changes at the local level. Land adjudication has meant the privatization of property. Even if wood itself is not scarce, the privatization of land means that access to available wood supplies is being curtailed. In some areas adjudication has resulted in confusion at the local level rather than in a simple restriction of access, but the privatization of land appears to be the dominant trend. Once people begin to plant cash crops, a concept of the opportunity cost of labour soon develops.

In some areas private landowners are recognizing the scarcity of wood and are planting trees to meet future needs. These plantings have been spontaneous and not the result of Government efforts. As mentioned previously, there are among some groups cultural precedents for tree planting and protection.

Perhaps more an obstacle to tree planting and protection than the perception of wood as a free product is its perception as a source of income. Wood fuels have become commercialized in many areas, and with a rapidly growing urban and rural population this trend is likely to continue. The improvement of transport facilities has linked the rural hinterland with commercial networks. Many rural dwellers, especially the poor, see the sale of wood fuels, particularly charcoal, as a supplementary source of income. The presence of a market thus creates an incentive for consuming resources as fast as possible and without regard for future needs.

Some of the commonest errors in identifying and planning rural community or household-level forestry projects arise precisely from such failure to perceive and understand what are the real costs and benefits to those involved. As in India, there is a lack of dissemination of anthropological information that might help to explain why changes take place and their impact on the people concerned (see, e.g., Brokensha and Riley 1978).

With good management the best tree species will require five years or more in the ASAL to Yield significant quantities of products (even with coppicing for fuel or pruning for fodder). Good management includes ground preparation and post-planting protection (against fire, rodents, domestic animals, and humans themselves). These in turn require security of land tenure. Yet for much of the arid zone of Kenya, as well as the Sahelian zone of Africa and the arid lands of other continents, nomadism, transhumance, and pastoralism are the major land uses, and common land is the major form of tenure. As we have noted, 20 per cent of Kenya's 15 million people live in the ASAL (82 per cent of the total land area). Although local (unofficial) councils of elders make decisions on the use of grazing lands, only a few of the official district councils have set aside areas of common land for tree planting.

Pastoralism, Nomadism, and Land Tenure

Some observers suggest that settling nomadic and transhumant pastoralists might be necessary if tree-planting efforts are to succeed. Past experience with various grazing schemes and group ranches demonstrates that settlement schemes often end in ecological and economic disaster. Desertification by overgrazing, soil compaction, and deforestation around the village may create even more problems than existed previously. Moreover, such a scheme is usually based on the premise, shown to be false in the preceding section, that pastoralists are irrational managers of natural resorces. Numerous studies (Dyson-Hudson 1980; Fumagalli 1978; Gulliver 1955; Helland 1980; Hogg 1980; Schneider 1974; Swift 1975) have convincingly documented the rationality of pastoralism. For a tree planting scheme to work, planners and foresters must work with the pastoralists, not against them.

Because most observers have strong views about pastoralists, and because of the sharp divergence of such views, it is worth amplifying these remarks. Many administrators and planners have a pronounced anti-nomadic bias, in part because nomads are seen as inefficient anachronisms and in part because settled peoples often perceive nomads as a threat. Thus administrators are often ready to blame the stupidity and conservatism of pastoralists as reasons for development failures, while anthropologists hasten to explain how pastoralists' behaviour is really rational and an effective adaptive strategy to their hostile environment. As Chambers (1977, p. 2) recommends, what is needed is a systematic approach that combines research, consultation with local people, and training.

Several detailed studies have recently been made of pastoralists in Kenya (for an excellent review of the literature on "Nomadic Pastoralism," see Dyson-Hudson 1980). Dahl and Hjorts (1976), Baxter (1975), and Hogg (1980) have all made intensive studies of pastoralists and their economic systems They conclusively demonstrate that most present strategies are rational, that pastoralists will consider and adopt agriculture in the right conditions, and that, far from being resistant to change, the herders readily accept innovations and new investment opportunities when these are available.*

The Cattle Economy vs. Monetarization and Markets

Because of the harsh ecological conditions and limited production capacity of the land in the ASAL, relatively little area exists under agricultural crops (although with increasing populations more marginal land is being cultivated) and livestock raising is the principal source of livelihood and is the basis of the economy. Traditionally large numbers of animals are maintained as insurance against loss in periodic disasters such as severe droughts, and these numbers are increasingly exceeding the carrying capacity of the land. This capacity itself has not been adequately studied, but there is an urgent need to determine and maintain a stable equilibrium and Konczacki (1978) suggests a model of pastoral economy that includes the basic conditions for the achievement of that equilibrium. He concludes that to achieve the equilibrium and to maintain pastoralism as a way of life requires outside intervention, including introduction of insurance schemes, reform of land tenure systems, and provision of alternative employment. The widespread planting of tees would offer the third of these requirements and provide for the first, given that the second can be ensured.

In planning development for African pastoralists a major problem is that livestock production hitherto has been practiced for subsistence, not for markets. (See, e.g., Helland 1978.) The economy is essentially not monetary, and sales and marketing systems are poorly developed. Cattle are rarely sold, except under extreme duress, and other products do not enter into market streams except in close proximity to major villages; even here road and transport systems are primitive. The planting of trees is inhibited initially by these constraints, yet at the same time trees could offer means of developing a monetarized economy (and hence marketing and transport systems), particularly through their yields of multiple products, especially fuelwood and fodder. However, this is not substantiated by the present study, and further work is required to focus on the social science aspects of involving nomads in tree planting.

Integrated Land Management

Given that, for obvious reasons, the high-potential areas have been emphasized first and also recognizing that the ASAL must now receive its fair share of attention, the urgent need is for an integrated approach to development involving agricultural and forest departments together with the provincial and district planning authorities. These authorities and financial assistance agencies still require precise estimates of costs of establishing trees in various farms, woodlots, and plantations. For village woodlots, World Bank estimates range from US$300 to over US$1,000 per hectare including the first five Years' maintenance, although Howe and Gulick (1980) quote significantly lower figures for some African villages. Without initial national Government or international assistance, rural communities will obviously be unable to finance major ventures of this type. The relationships of the various factors contributing to desertification are illustrated in figure 9, and suggestions for the development of multiple land use to combat these problems were given by Maydell (1978a, 1978b, 1979) for the Sahelian zone of Africa and are relevant to the Kenyan ASAL. However, these require a rational approach to the use of communal land that has not yet been developed in Kenya although, according to Spears (1978), in some parts of Ethiopia, Nigeria, Rwanda, and Tanzania, rural communities suffering from wood shortage have begun voluntarily to set aside marginal areas such as hill tops and slopes for afforestation.

Staff and Training

Even in the less arid areas, where more permanent agriculture is practiced, distances between administrative centres are great; trained administrative and educational staff are limited; policy makers do not perceive the severity of the problem; and housing and communications are poor. Above all there is a marked reluctance among professionally trained foresters to work in the ASAL. It is a regrettable but common feature of developing countries that professionals prefer to work in capital-city offices rather than in the field (and this is already apparent in Kenya with the declining standards of nursery and plantation practice in existing forests), and in Kenya they prefer to work in the high-potential areas rather than the ASAL, particularly avoiding the north. This of course largely reflects their origin and in turn reflects the former concentration of populations and education in the more productive areas. Further, the problems of arid zone development have not been considered seriously in professional and technical courses to date. To undertake the research and development that is required for widespread tree planting in the ASAL, a major revision of existing curricula is required, and a highly suitable core curriculum has been developed for the University of Nairobi's Department of Forestry by Professor N. Kissick. This is being discussed by the university authorities, and it should receive high priority. It includes are high temperature, low rainfall, and soil characteristics (depth of rooting zone, alkalinity/salinity). Human resource constraints and the lack of meteorological data imply that accurate determination of the degree of aridity can be done in only a few places. However, a greater problem in the ASAL of Kenya is the erratic nature of annual precipitation. Not only does this imply very low precision in establishing isohyets (e.g., figure 2) but, more important, it necessitates repeated trials of species and afforestation techniques over several years. Results of survival and growth from a trial in a year of relatively abundant moisture cannot be extrapolated reliably to years of relative drought.

TABLE 8. Kenya Personnel Training Needs (1981-1990)

Public sector  
i. Rural afforestation in 40 districts out of the
existing 57 including forest management
needs = 40 x 3 =
120
ii. Research staff for the 5 stations of Muguga,
Turbo, Mombasa, Hola, and Kibwezi
(30 M.Sc. + 15 Ph.D)
45
iii. Training-appointees for the Department
of Forestry (M.Sc. level)
13
-teachers for the Londiani Forest Training
School (M.Sc. level)
10
iv. Regional programmes - 10 programmes are
already working, some of which are
listed below:
Tana River Development Authority
Lake Victoria Basin Development Authority
Kerio Valley Development Authority
Baringo Valley Development Authority, etc.
10x 2 =
20
Total public sector
Private sector
208
i. Factories and timber industry 15
ii. Small-scale mills and prefabricated housing 15
iii. Undetermined Yet 0
Total private sector 60
Total public and private sector 268
Additional needs  
i. Wastage, 5 per cent; retirement and
resignation, 5 per cent
26
ii. Foreign students, 10 per cent 6
Grand total 320

Source: Ministry of Natural Resources (Forestry Department),

Faculty of Agriculture, World Bank the course on agro-forestry outlined in Appendix II. ICRAF has already been concerned with agro-forestry training in Kenya through its joint sponsorship of a national seminar (with Nairobi University).

The existing facilities and size of staff (four permanent lecturers) in the university's Department of Forestry are wholly inadequate for the numbers of students and type of course required. However, the fifth World Bank education project currently being appraised includes provision for major expansion of the department's resources to meet the proposed annual requirement of 50 graduates. The composition of this manpower projection is shown in table 8.

It should be noted that a recent high-level projection of personnel requirements by the Kenya Ministry of Natural Resources indicates that Kenya needs 20-30 graduate foresters per Year to be trained for the next five years for employment in the public sector. According to the same source, the high-level staff needs in the private sector are expected to be in the region of 10 to 15 graduates per Year for the next five years. In light of these figures, 30 to 40 graduates per Year will be necessary to meet the needs of the forest sector, including in-service training. However, the physical facilities of the Department of Forestry will be planned up to an intake of 50 per year so as to meet long-term needs, including the possible increasing needs of the private sector and training of wildlife management.

Even if these numbers of professionally trained foresters are produced, there will still be an urgent need for specialized training in research, project planning, and rural extension. In these requirements Kenya is no different from India-it can ill afford to lose the services of staff for the two or three years necessary to obtain post-graduate degrees. The intensive short courses outlined in Appendices I-III would be suitable.

(introduction...)

Environmental and technical factors
Institutional factors
Social and economic factors

 

Over a period of some 14 years (1951-1964) the UNESCO programme of arid zone research provided a large body of information on the environment, resources, and plant and animal physiology of the zone. Expanding world populations have placed increasing demands on the resources of the zone and caused loss of productivity and spreading desertification. The severity of the problem (among others) was recognized at the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Environment (Stockholm) by the recommendation for the creation of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP, Nairobi), and this agency itself organized the 1977 United Nations Conference on Desertification (Nairobi).

Throughout these international activities and in many individual national development programmes there has been increasing realization of the part played by trees in the prevention of desertification, the restoration of degraded areas, the provision of goods and services, the amelioration of climate and soil, and the general improvement of the quality of life for the inhabitants of the arid zone and their domestic animals. Revolutions, whether green, political, or electromechanical are useless without soil to grow food crops and fuel to cook them, and trees have an important place in the provision of these two major requirements.

Environmental and technical factors

Within the ASAL as defined in this report there are large differences in climatic and edaphic factors, but, common to both India and Kenya, these are not the factors limiting tree planting. Drought-hardy and salt-tolerant species exist that can be planted profitably and yield a range of end products; however, for both countries there is an urgent need for detailed research on the variation in populations within species, and they should both participate to the fullest extent possible in the international, co-operative project for the exploration, conservation, evaluation, and utilization of arid zone trees (organized by FAO). In view of their potentially fast growth rate and early sexual maturity, consideration should be given now to planning tree-improvement programmes with selected species.

Methods are known for raising many species in the nursery and establishing them in the field, but this information is far better known in India than in Kenya. The costs of raising plantations vary within each country and are not well known in Kenya, but even in India there is need for continual research into methods of reducing costs and continual monitoring to ensure they remain low.

Thus basically environmental and technical constraints can be overcome with existing knowledge; the major limits to tree planting in the ASAL are social, economic, and institutional constraints.

Institutional factors

Both India and Kenya have large areas of arid and semi-arid land with different population totals and densities but appreciable demands for multiple wood products including food, fodder, fuel, and fencing. Within the ASAL of both countries there are considerable variations in social structures and customs, land tenure and land use, and the two countries differ in land-use policy, in percentage of total area covered by Forest Acts and in Forest Department field staff organization.

Both India and Kenya are favoured countries for inter" national and bilateral assistance programmes, but this in itself acts as a constraint on some developments because each of the assistance agencies requires the time of the limited numbers of appropriate local staff for the preparation and operation of projects. In Kenya ten agencies are operating or planning projects for the ASAL. Partly to mitigate the problem of limited staff resources and to avoid excessive duplication, Kenya did prepare a policy document on ASAL development. Kenya hosts the headquarters of relevant international agencies including ICRAF and UNEP, but it has no appropriate research institute. India, on the other hand, has both national and international institutes conducting research that is relevant to arid zone development, including CAZRI, FRI, ICRISAT, and CSWCRTI (Central Soil and Water Conservation Research and Training Institute, Dehra Dun). Some duplication occurs in their work, and there does not appear to be full discussion and co-ordination of their activities but, more important, there is delay in transferring research results to field practice. For both countries the knowledge already available is not widely distributed, and for Kenya in particular there is a lack of awareness of relevant information from other countries with similar problems.

This lack of awareness should be mitigated by the recent introduction of Arid Lands Abstracts by the Commonwealth Agricultural Bureaux (Farnham Royal, England); but these are not issued free, and commonly a Forest Department or Agricultural Department orders only one copy which then remains in headquarters and does not circulate to the field staff.

The UN University may be able to improve the situation by making copies of its own publications available free to field workers. Further there is a need for annotated bibliographies and reviews of arid zone development. These could include, for the forestry and tree components, general bibliographies (e.g., Taylor and Taylor 1978/1980) or specific information on: (a) species and provenances; these could be covered either by monographs (see Kazmi 1979 for a brief review of Cordeauxia edulis which is drought resistant and provides fodder, food, and fuel, yet is threatened with genetic erosion in its native Somalia) or manuals (see Webb et al. 1980 for a guide to selecting species for plantation in a wide range of site conditions; this includes a computerized multiple-entry information sys. tem) or compilations of available information about a range of potential species such as the EMASAR volumes on forage plants (Kernick 1978); (b) seed handling, nursery, and plantation techniques (e.g., Ghosh 19771; (c) yields of products (e.g., methods of predicting fuelwood yield -see Kalla 1977); or (d) specialized uses (e.g., shelterbelts -see Costin 1976). it would be of great benefit in both countries to appoint an officer to collect, collate, and distribute all relevant information.

While India has more trained forestry staff and a more complex hierarchy of national, state, and departmental administrations, it has a higher proportion of its professionals working in the field (as opposed to Forest Department headquarters). However, like Kenya its staff lack appropriate training in rural afforestation and extension methods. Although currently Kenya lacks proper facilities for professional training, it is hoped that the Department of Forestry in the University of Nairobi will be built up over the next few years to supply national manpower requirements. Attention to curriculum structure is required in order to broaden the education to include arid zone forestry and rural development in general. Both India and Kenya would benefit from short courses in extension, research, and planning methods in forestry, and the UNU could materially support the more widespread availability of such sources.

Social and economic factors

Given appropriately trained and motivated staff and optimum species and management methods, the remaining constraints to successful tree planting are common to both countries. They concern mainly land ownership and use patterns and type of economy.

With tree crops there is an appreciable delay between time of planting (which is itself an expensive operation) and time of harvesting (in which the yield usually has a low value per unit of volume). For communities and individuals on a subsistence level or on a non-monetarized economy it is difficult to find the resources to establish tree crops, and Government support is initially required. Further, in view of the long rotation of trees, throughout which protection against fire and animals is required, security of tenure of land is essential. It thus becomes imperative to develop community awareness of the benefits of trees so that communally owned land may be set aside for managed tree crops.

It is characteristic of the ASAL in most countries that, as we proceed from more to less arid zones, land tenure and use change from communal land with nomadism to individual tenure with sedentary agriculture. The actions needed to encourage tree planting vary similarly from the village community plantation on communal land to the individual farmer's planting of single trees or rows on his land boundary. Different credit and technical facilities are needed, and these are well demonstrated in Gujarat in India. Further, the Gujarat experience also demonstrates the need to use the "package" approach to wood growth and use with the introduction of trees, management, and efficient woodburning facilities (see also Draper 1977). Above all it illustrates the importance of involving the people in forestry activity through demonstration of the technical feasibility. Where business acumen exists the financial feasibility is readily appreciated.

However, there is no easy solution for those areas in which nomadic pastoralism occurs. No individuals and few communities would consider planting a long-term crop on land for which they feel no immediate responsibility and to which they may not return for long periods. They do not appreciate the service values of trees in soil and water protection, and Yet their excessive herds cause damage that trees could help to repair. An integrated approach to land use and development is needed in such areas with estimates of the carrying capacity of land and education in the concepts of limiting herd size.

Sedenterization is not necessarily the optimum policy, and systems may need to be developed to permit combinations of different life-styles (see, e.g., Maydell 1979), but, where it is desirable, trees can play an important part in developing a monetarized economy and in contributing to marketing and transport infrastructures, as well as in fulfilling protective functions.

Recognizing these various factors India has for many years attempted to develop rural community forestry, with more success in some areas and states than others. The successful programmes can act as an excellent guide to similar development in Kenya where, to date, plantation forestry has been concentrated almost exclusively on the high potential sites outsides the arid and semi-arid lands.

Appendix 1. Outline of a four-week training course in community forestry and extension at the commonwealth forestry institute Oxford

Objectives

The course is designed on the lines of a workshop, with the aims that the participants understand and apply the biological, social, and economic principles for the design and operation of social forestry activities, with special reference to the Gujarat Social Forestry Project.

Course Details/Syllabus

The teaching methods will include lectures, seminar, practical exercises, and group discussions, The course is organized on the basis of four sessions of approximately 11/2 hours per day and includes time for private study. Each course will be specifically designed for the expected participants, and the first two courses at least will be held at Oxford; in future a field visit may be appropriate. However, for the first groups of participants from Gujarat it is not expected that field exposure will be needed; more important is detailed coverage with notes and practical exercises for future reference.

Week 1: The Background   Week 2: Targets and Project Design  
  Hours   Hours
Arrival and registration. Introduction to course
timetable
2 The place of training and extension work 1
Survey and land use planning 2
Outline of the environment and its climate, soil,   Estimation of rural requirements for forest  
water relations, and biotic factors 10 produce-questionnaires and surveys 3
Human population trends 1 Cost and benefit estimation and identification  
Livestock versus trees 1 of beneficiaries 2
Land tenure 1 Private study 5
Institutional constraints and requirements 2 Flexibility in approaches to solution of  
Private study 3
-
20
problems identified; multicropping,  
agro-forestry, and silvopastures 1
Sociological studies and receptivity of rural
people to schemes involving trees
Soil and water conservation

3
3
20

Appendix 2. Proposal for a 35-hour course in agro-forestry for agricultural students (third-year degree)

Prepared by P.A. Huxley, ICRAF

Lecture hours

A. Land, People, and the Environment-Early Man the Agro-forester 1
B. Plants, Animals, and Man 1
C. Modern Land-Use Systems and Factors Affecting Land Management 3
D. The Social and Economic Fabric 3
E. The Systems Approach to Land Use 3
F. The Occurrence and Exploitation of Heterogeneity-a Basic  
Consideration in Agro-forestry 1
G.Intercropping Concepts and Their Relevance to Agro-forestry Systems 3
H. The Perennial versus the Annual Plant Habit-Pros and Cons for  
Agro-forestry Land Use 3
I . Crop Physiological Aspects of Agro-forestry Systems 4
J. Soil and Environment Aspects of Agro-forestry Systems 3
K. Examples of Present-Day Agro-forestry Systems 2
L. Experimental Methods in Agro-forestry Research 2
M. Tree Raising/Tree Management 2
N. Multi-purpose Trees 1
O. Comparisons of Selected Local {Regional) Agricultural/Forestry/  
Agro-forestry Land-Use Systems 3

Appendix 3. Summer courses at the commonwealth forestry institute, Oxford

A. Course in Research Method

(H.L. Wright, course director; P.D. Hardcastle, course organizer)

Purpose: A course designed to familiarize scientific officers holding or destined for research appointments in forestry with the principles and practice of forest research.

Date: Held in alternate, odd years (1981, 1983, etc.)

Duration: 14-15 weeks, commencing about 1 July.

Places available: A maximum of 15.

Fees payable: In addition to living expenses, there is a fee payable for the course. This is considerably reduced for countries that contribute to the Commonwealth Forestry Institute funds.

Entry qualifications: Generally a degree in forestry or closely related discipline, with a few years' field experience. Candidates should not have less than average mathematical ability. Preference is given to candidates from developing Commonwealth countries, but places are available for other candidates.

Course content: The course will cover the following:
- Motive, policy and planning, and administration of forest research.
- Principles of biological statistics.
-Special problems of design, layout, assessment, and recording which arise in forest research.
- Demonstration and practice in all stages of assessment, computing and statistical analysis, and deduction of forest experiments.
- Critical study of actual experiments.

The emphasis is on the growing side rather than on utilization, on studies in the field rather than in the laboratory, and on tropical rather than temperate conditions.

B. Course in Planning and Management in Forestry

(P.J. Wood, course director; P.D. Hardcastle, course organizer)

Purpose: A course designed for forest officers in positions of managerial responsibility, to familiarize them with modern management practices.

Date: Held in alternate, even years (1982, 1984, etc.)

Duration: 14-15 weeks, commencing about 1 July.

Places available: A maximum of 18.

Fees payable: In addition to living expenses, there is a fee payable for the course. This is considerably reduced for countries contributing to the Commonwealth Forestry Institute funds.

Entry qualifications: Generally a degree or degrees in forestry and at least five years' field experience. Candidates should be in, or expect shortly to be appointed to, positions of executive responsibility. Preference is given to candidates from developing Commonwealth countries, but places are available for other candidates.

Course content: The course will cover the following:

- Economics and mathematics for managers.
- Organization and decision theory.
- Factors affecting forest policy.
-System optimization.
- Planning, policies, and principles in forestry management
- Financial and cost-benefit analysis.
- Technical aspects of forestry affecting management.
- Project planning and appraisal.

The emphasis is on a seminar approach, with class participation in exercises where appropriate. Tours to illustrate practice in Britain and other EEC countries are usually arranged, but the emphasis of the course is primarily on developing tropical countries.

C. Course in Social and Community Forestry

(P J. Wood and J. Burley, course directors; P.D. Hardcastle, course organizer)

Purpose: A course designed to develop an understanding of the social and economic framework of rural life and the role of trees in general land use concepts and to provide the necessary basic skills for the formulation and operation of forestry projects for the benefit of rural communities.

Date: Held annually in April/May or September/October.

Duration: 6 - 8 weeks.

Places available: A maximum of 20.

Fees payable: 1,150, excluding accommodation.

Entry qualifications: Generally a degree or diploma in forestry with several years' experience An interest in and knowledge of social forestry is desirable. Preference will be given to applicants from developing Commonwealth countries, but places are available for other applicants.

Course content: The course will cover the following:

- The role of forestry in agriculture and the rural economy.
- The rural economy.
- Sociology of rural communities.
- Development of extension strategies and methodology.
- Roles of trees and forests in integrated land use plans.
- Trees and the community.
- Multiple use species; silviculture, techniques, products, yields, and agro-forestry.
- Interaction of trees with agriculture.
- Soil reclamation and conservation.
- Watersheds and hydrological aspects of afforestation.
- Preparation of social forestry projects.
- Management and control of social forestry projects.

Teaching is by means of seminars, group exercises, and case studies. Participants are expected to contribute actively in discussions and in exercises.

D. Course in Forest Protection

(M H. Ivory and M.R. Speight, course directors; P.D. Hardcastle, course organizer)

Purpose: To provide forest management or research officers with the skills necessary for them to be effective forest protection officers.

Date: Held in 1982 then at 4- to 5 year intervals thereafter.

Duration: 10-12 weeks, commencing late June.

Places available: A maximum of 15.

Fees payable: 1,850, excluding accomodation and excursion.

Entry qualifications: Either a degree or a diploma in forestry and several years' field experience. Preference is given to candidates from developing Commonwealth countries, but places are available for other candidates.

Course content: The course will cover the following:

- Fungi, bacteria, and abiotic influences; diagnosis, assessment, and control.
- Insects, mites, and other animals; recognition, assessment, management, and control.
- Virology, nematology, parasitic plants, and symbiotic associations.
- Deterioration of forest products.
- Experimental design and analysis.
-Population sampling.
- Crop loss assessment.
- Plant quarantine.

The course includes laboratory and field practicals, and the emphasis is on seminar-style teaching rather than formal lectures.

E. Course in Forest Resource Utilization

(R.A. Plumptre, course director; P.D. Hardcastle, course organizer)

Purpose: The course is designed to acquaint participants with the importance of forest industries in the economy of a country, and to equip them to carry out simple feasibility and marketing studies.

Date: To be held in 1983, and thereafter probably every three years.

Duration: 6 weeks.

Places available: A maximum of 20.

Fees payable: 1,150, excluding accommodation.

Entry qualifications: Entrants are expected to be forestry degree or diploma holders, preferably with at least three years' experience in the field or in forest industry management.

Course content: The course will cover the following:

Forest resources: extent, variability, and rates of depletion.

Utilization of resources: using more species and producing less waste.

Utilization and forest products research: research requirements, priorities, and planning.

Forest industries: characteristics, raw material require. meets, interaction of different industries, and skills and labour requirements.

Functions of government: quasi-government corporations and private industry.

Management and control functions: concession licences, regulation of fees, methods of control, and encouragement of improved utilization and quality control.

Trade and marketing: principles of local and export marketing, species grouping, market research, promotion of new products, contracts, agents, and transport.

Feasibility studies: methods of carrying out studies and presenting them, rates of interest, cash flow, assessment of productivity and sales, and staff requirements and their selection and training.

Finance and industry: sources of funds and methods of securing them.

Industry management: requirements of good manage meet, objectives, staff management, financial control, and production control.

Analysis of success and failure: case studies analysing successful and failed projects and discussion of reasons for success or failure.

The emphasis is on tropical rather than temperate forest resources.

Course on Tropical Moist Forest: Resources Management, and Conservation

(T.C. Whitmore and B.T. Styles, course directors; P.D. Hardcastle, course organizer}

Purpose: Participants will be well briefed to select, create, and manage conservation areas and to incorporate conservation objectives in land-use planning and forest management.

Date: To be first held in 1983, and thereafter whenever sufficient demand warrants it.

Duration: 6 weeks, commencing October.

Places available: A maximum of 20.

Fees payable: 1,150, excluding accommodation.

Entry qualifications: Entrants to the course are expected to be holders of a degree or diploma in forestry or another biological science, preferably with several years' experience of planning or management in a conservation context. Non-scientists who are closely involved with the administration of conservation will also be considered.

Course content: The course will cover the following:

- Tropical moist forest resources.
- Important families.
-Classification systems.
- Phytogeography and recent evolutionary development.
- Management of the resource: objectives, planning, and silviculture.
- Deforestation and its consequences.
- Animals of the forest.
- Biological requirements of conservation areas.
- Modes and means of conservation.
- Current state of the art.
-Case studies.

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Synnott, T,J, 1979. "A Report on Prospects, Problems, and Proposals for Tree Planting." Rept. UNESCO-UNEP IPAL Project, Nairobi.

Taylor, G.F., II, and B.A, Taylor. 1978/1980, "Forestry in the Sahel: A Selected Bibliography of Source Materials Relatin5 to Arid Zone Forestry and the Southern Fringe of the Sahera," Curr. Biblio. Afr. Affairs 12(1): 33-49,

UNESCO. 1977. Map of the World Distribution of Arid Regions Explanatory notes. MAB Technical Notes 7.

Uvoo, A.D.1978. Kenya Marginal/Semi-arid Lands Pre-investment .RAln Consortium for International Development.

Weber, F.R., F.J. Holman (illustrator), and V.C. Palmer (ed.). 1977. Reforestation in Arid Lands. Action/Peace Corps Program & Training Journal Manual Series No. 5.

Western, D., and J. Ssemakula. 1979. "The Present and Future Patterns of Consumption and Production of Wood Energy in Kenya." Paper, International Workshop on Energy and Development, Nairobi.

Western, David, and Thomas Dunne. 1979. "Environmental Aspects of Settlement Site Decisions among Pastoral Massai " Human Ecology 7(1): 75-98.

Wood, D., et el. 1980. The Socio-economic Context of fuelwood also in Small Rural Communities Aid Evaluation Special Study No. 1, Agency for International Development, Washington, D.C.

Wood, P.J. 1980. "Choice of Species for Dry Zones." Paper, IUFRO Symposium, Brazil.

Other UNU publications

The Natural Resources Programme: 1977-1981

This publication brings together in a series of contributions the work done on various aspects of renewable natural resources by the Natural Resources Programme of the United Nations University.

NRR-51UNUP-360 ISBN 92-808-0360-3
118 pages, 16.5 x 23.5 cm, paper-bound

Proceedings of the Jakarta Workshop on Coastal Resources Management
Edited by Eric C.F. Bird and Aprilani Soegiarto

The collected papers that comprise these proceedings were presented at the September 1979 workshop which inaugurated the UNU training course on coastal resource management. Relating primarily to the north coast of Java, they provide a multi-faceted and up-to-date discussion of various coastal resources such as mangroves and marine fisheries, as well as more general papers on model development, humid tropical deltas, water-quality assessments, and socio-economic studies. In most cases the authors analyse the implications o their work for coastal resources management.

NRTS-6/UNUP-130 ISBN 92-808-0130-3
106 pages, 21.4 x 28 cm, paper-bound

Shifting Cultivation in Northern Thailand: Possibilities for Development by Terry B. Grandstaff The development and transformation of shifting cultivation systems is a critical problem in much of the humid tropics. Dr. Grandstaff provides a lucid and comprehensive explanation of the interactions between the environment and the socio-economic systems of different ethnic groups in northe Thailand. The author then critically reviews the various proposals made to improve shifting cultivation systems in other parts of the world, and makes recommendations whicr are appropriate to northern Thailand but of much wider interest.

N RTS- 11/UNUP-192 ISBN 92-808-0192-9
44 pages, 21.4 x 28 cm, paper-bound

Spatial Analysis for Regional Development: A Case Study in the Bicol River Basin of the Philippines

by Dennis A. Rondinelli

This case study in the Philippines explains how a variety of scientific techniques were selected and used to analyse the spatial linkages within the Bicol River Basin, and to describe the inequalities in services, income, and opportunities within the region. Valuable insights are then provided as to how development projects, by incorporating such information, could be designed to discourage the massive urban migration and increasing inequality that consistently accompany development efforts.

NRTS-9/UNUP-166 ISBN 92-808-0166-x
45 pages, 21.4 x 28 cm, paper-bound

Environmental Changes on the Coasts of Indonesia by Eric C. F. Bird and Otto S. R. Ongkosongo With 14,700 islands and 60,000 kilometres of coastline Indonesia presents a tremendous diversity of coastal features. I n this monograph the two authors draw together previously published work and their own observations to provide an overview of the Indonesian coastline and the tectonic, volcanic, hydrographic, and organic processes at work. Emphasis is given to areas of most rapid change-primarily deltas and mangroves-and the effect of man, and the study concludes with recommendations for future research.

NRTS-12/UNUP-197 ISBN 92-808-0197-x
52 pages, 21.4 x 28 cm, paper-bound

Coastal Resources Management in the Cilacap Region: Proceedings of the Workshop held at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, 20-24 August 1980

Edited by Eric C. F. Bird and Aprilani Soagiarto This publication brings together the papers and research results from a workshop and training course on coastal resources management with particular reference to the south coast of Java; however, the conflicts between traditional, artisanal resource use and the demands of modernization bring out many issues of wider relevance.

NRTS-16/UNUP-349
ISBN 92-808-0349-2
In press

Available only from the publisher:

Fuelwood and Rural Energy Production and Supply in the Humid Tropics by W. B. Morgan and R. P. Moss An important and comprehensive study of rural energy production and supply in Asia and Africa. Special emphasis is given to the constraints and modes of fuelwood production, and this in-depth analysis leads to the formulation of rural energy strategies and policy recommendations. Available from the publisher, Tycooly International Ltd., Dublin, Ireland 224 pages, 17 x 24.6 cm, paper-bound

Renewable Natural Resources and the Environment by Kenneth Ruddle and Walther Manshard This is a comprehensive review of global renewable resource use and the associated human ecological problems. Adopting a zonal approach, the authors focus on the most important interactions in developing countries between poverty, development, renewable natural resources, and the environment. Available from the publisher, Tycooly International Ltd., Dublin, Ireland In press

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