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close this bookObstacles to Tree Planting in Arid and Semi-Arid lands: Comparative Case Studies from India and Kenya (UNU, 1982, 63 p.)
close this folder3. Kenya
View the documentLand Tenure and use
View the documentDefinition and distribution of the arid and semi-arid zones
View the documentGovernment policy on arid zone development
View the documentForestry organization and policy
View the documentRural afforestation and extension
View the documentNeeds for forest products and services in the arid zone
View the documentCurrent programmes of afforestation in the arid zone
View the documentOvercoming the major obstacles to tree planting

Land Tenure and use

The total area of Kenya is 583,000 km, and of this only 17,000 km (2.7 per cent) are statutorily dedicated forest areas (gazetted forests). About half of the forest is on Government land and the other half on trust land (County Council land). With a population of 15 million, the forest area per head of population is approximately 0.12 ha and, with a population growth rate of nearly 4 per cent (the highest in the world), this proportion may be expected to decline unless drastic steps are taken to curtail forest destruction and to increase afforestation.

The forests are generally found in the areas with high potential for agriculture, and there is continual pressure to convert forest area into farms. Approximately 70 per cent of Kenya's forests occur in water catchment areas on the slopes of high mountains and mountain ranges, e.g., Mt. Elgon, Mt. Kenya, Cherangani Hills, Nandi Hills, and the Nyandarua and Mau ranges; the remaining 30 per cent occur outside catchment areas as small isolated blocks from 1,000 to 40,000 ha in extent. During the 1970s, approximately 5,000 ha of forest land were lost by gazetted excision for agriculture, national park development, and urbanization. Some of the indigenous forests have been converted to plantations, mainly of pines and cypresses with some eucalypts, and approximately 300,000 ha of plantation now exist, divided almost equally between the Government Forest Department and private owners (on non-gazetted lands). Virtually all of these plantations exist in the high rainfall areas (over 800 mm) at altitudes of 1,800 to 2,700 m above sea level.

The bulk of the production of the country (excluding marine products) is essentially agricultural since there are few known mineral resources. However, some four-fifths of the country consists of arid or semi-arid lands (ASAL). Of the total population of 15 million, 10 per cent live in ten districts in the arid zone (248,000 km), and altogether 20 per cent live in the ASAL (473,000 km or 82 per cent of the total land area).

Although certain generalizations can be made about the arid and semi-arid lands of Kenya, the term masks the great variety-social and ecological-that is found in the area. A series of spectra is useful to illustrate the complex variations and shadings that actually exist. These might be:

- Control over land: communal to individualistic
- Production system: pastoralism to agriculture and subsistence to commercial
- Settlement patterns: nomadism to sedentarization

Land Control: Communal/Individualistic

Although much literature refers to shifts from communal to individual title, the reality is always more complex, as communal lands were never open to everyone with equal rights. There was always some restriction: for example, a particular kinship group might have rights of grazing on particular lands.

In the 1950s, the colonial government of Kenya started a process of land reform, continued after independence in 1963. Emphasizing first the more heavily settled areas, land reform is now being extended and has affected many parts of the ASAL. But, even when individual title has been given, the land often continues to be used by a lineage or other traditional social group rather than exclusively by an individual.

In the semi-arid areas of Kenya where individual land titles have been given there has already been a noticeable increase in tree planting as landowners wish to secure for themselves an assured supply of fuelwood and building poles.

Instead of using inappropriate labels, it is better to ask "Who has which rights over what lands?" with special reference to rights over trees.

Production: Pastoralism/Agriculture

Most residents of the ASAL have control over some livestock, and most (especially in the semi-arid areas) grow some crops. The precise mix and the specific production system depend on a combination of ecological, historical, and social factors. Of those who own livestock, a distinction must be made between cattle, sheep, goats, camels, and donkeys as some references exaggerate the importance of cattle, whereas other forms of livestock may equal or surpass cattle in significance and/or numbers.

Production: Subsistence/Commercial

Both agricultural and pastoral systems of production usually include both subsistence and commercial (cash) sectors. Again, wide variations are found: some farmers may plant large fields of cotton for sale; some herders will regularly sell livestock at the markets, while others enter few cash transactions unless they have a pressing need for money.

Settlement: Nomadism/Sedentarization

This is another misleading dichotomy, because some form of transhumance is common for those whose livelihood derives primarily from their herds, and true nomadism is seldom found. Transhumance involves a seasonal pattern of migration in search of grazing and water within a defined area. Even those residents of the semi-arid areas who are predominantly agriculturalists frequently have dispersed farm plots, in an attempt to minimize risk of crop failure. Other variable factors include the following.

Adaptive Strategies

Recently, anthropologists and other micro-level social scientists have paid particular attention to adaptive strategies or risk-aversion behaviour of people who live in marginal environments such as the ASAL. Given that people live in an area that is subject to all sorts of risks and hazards-crop failure, insect and bird pests, animal marauders, livestock disease, and, in some cases, hostile neighbours-how do people cope? Whenever detailed and systematic studies have been made, it is clear that each society has evolved successful mechanisms of coping. This is not to say that local people have completely mastered their hazards, nor that their strategies are necessarily appropriate today with major changes in population density or technology. But it does mean that an understanding of indigenous knowledge systems (see Brokensha et al. 1980) is essential before preparing any specific proposals for development.

Social/ Stratification

What is the degree of rural inequality? (See Castro et al. 1981 for a discussion of indicators.) Who controls wealth and resources -livestock, pasture, water, credit, good land? What is the degree of occupational specialization? What is the number and influence of teachers (and other government officials), of traders (especially livestock traders) and shop keepers and lorry owners?

Degree of Modernization

This can be measured by basic figures on schools, clinics, and other services or especially in the semi-arid areas) by such proxy indicators as the proportion of dwellings that are at least partly roofed with corrugated iron.

Rural-Urban Links

None of the societies concerned is a closed system. All have links with the outside world, which include export of cash crops, livestock, and migratory labour to plantations and cities. Labour migration varies from place to place. In some areas, migration is a well-established adaptive strategy for coping with recurrent periods of food shortage. There is also a steady stream of imported goods, people, and ideas, so that any ASAL society must be considered in its total socioeconomic setting.

One important rural-urban link consists of charcoal production. With growing demand by townspeople for charcoal as a relatively cheap and preferred fuel, charcoal production increases in the ASAL. Driving along main highways in the ASAL (Mombasa-Voi, Meru-lsiolo, and, further north, Mtito Andei-Kitui), one sees stack after stack of charcoal sacks piled up on the roadside and waiting collection by one of the specialist lorry owners. Poor people treat charcoal as a cash crop, and it is indeed a useful source of cash, but the long-term effects of charcoal production are usually disastrous, in terms both of reducing trees available for fuelwood and of accelerating soil erosion. Some observers (e.g., Kokwaro 1974, p. 18) have suggested the use of improved kilns rather than the traditional covered hod, but kilos are too costly for most producers.

Trees

Trees have many uses, some of them conflicting. They are a source of fodder for livestock, wood fuels, shade, building poles, and tool handles. Some trees are multipurpose. People's perceptions of trees vary, with the agriculturalists often having more negative attitudes, desiring to clear their arable land of all trees. Some pastoralists also like to clear trees because they harbor tsetse flies.

Marginal Lands

A major problem results when pressure of population drives people to attempt cultivation on the drier lands, many of which are both very vulnerable and also often unsuited to rainfed agriculture.

Communications

How well is the area served by all-weather roads, and by regular markets? How many people have access to a transistor radio? (Radios are likely to be an important source of information, as there are virtually no television sets in the ASAL, and very few people read a daily newspaper.)

Settlement Patterns

What is the density of population, and to what degree is it concentrated or dispersed? How many small towns or market centres exist ?

To summarize, the ASAL population consists of a range of agricultural and pastoral types. There is some commercial agriculture in the ASAL, but it has tended to be limited by physical resources, such as lack of rainfall and poor soils, as well as by socio-economic considerations, including poor transport facilities and a shortage of capital. Subsistence-oriented production, supplemented by seasonal labour migrations and various non-farm activities, continues to be important There is some landlessness, and it is being accentuated by rapid population growth. The pastoral population is comprised of sedentary, transhumant, and nomadic groups who are involved in varying degrees of subsistence and commercially oriented production. The bulk of Kenya's cattle, sheep, and goats are found in the ASAL (Kaufman 1976, p. 255).

Demographic and socio-economic changes have produced important consequences for the ASAL population and environment. (See Hecklav 1978.) The ASAL population has always been subject to periodic fluctuations in rainfall, with the constant threat of livestock losses, crop failures, and food shortages. Traditional responses to seasonal and periodic droughts included temporary migration of both humans and livestock, relying on local wild game and vegetation and exchanges with other areas of stock and labour for food. Within recent decades wage labour, non farm commercial activities, the establishment of commercial livestock and agricultural markets, and improvement in roads and transport, allowing for the easier importing of goods, have reduced in some areas the levelling effect of droughts. People can now purchase food in stores. Moreover, the growth of commercial livestock and agricultural markets have created incentives for intensifying production, increasing herd sizes, and expanding farm operations (see O'Leary 1980).

These changes have not been experienced in all areas of the ASAL. Transport facilities and involvement in labour, livestock, and farm markets remain limited. However, population growth in itself has led to an intensification of resource use, with herd sizes increasing and agriculture pushed into marginal areas.

As in other areas of the sub-Saharan belt, environmental deterioration is occurring in Kenya's ASAL. Over-grazing, soil exhaustion from intensive or continuous cultivation, the expansion of grazing or farming into environmentally sensitive areas, and the general over-exploitation of vegetation and soil resources have been in large part the result of demographic and socio-economic changes and pressures.

Land degradation in areas with such harsh ecological conditions is difficult to repair, and trees and forests have a major role in protecting the rural environment for current and future generations. Yet at present virtually no protected forests exist.

Perceptions of Trees

All detailed studies of uses and perceptions of trees by rural peoples show that there is an extensive ethnobotanical knowledge, with a keen appreciation of species" properties, and that trees are used for a wide variety of purposes. Settled agriculturalists, who have more material culture, probably have more uses than do the transhumant pastoralists. Parts of trees are used for fuelwood and construction timber and also for tools, weapons, musical instruments, dyes, glues, medicines, poisons, fibres, fences, clothing, adornment, ritual purposes, hanging beehives, and other needs.

People in these regions vary in their knowledge and experience in growing and managing tree crops. One example from Kenya indicates that local people knew more about the techniques of propagating one species (Melia volkensii -the seeds must pass through a goat's intestines) than did government forestry officials (Brokensha et al. 1980, p. 123). Generally, people show an unusual degree of resilience in coping with changes in an important resource base. However, experience shows that certain individuals - women, the elderly, ill, handicapped-are likely to suffer more than those who have more effective control over societal resources.

Definition and distribution of the arid and semi-arid zones

As stated, for the purpose of this report an exact definition of aridity is unnecessary, and the areas principally considered are those recognized as arid (350-500 mm annual rainfall) and very arid (200-350 mm) by the Government of Kenya (1979), although some of the discussion refers equally to semiarid areas (500-800 mm). The 500 mm isohyet is shown in figure 2 (page 3), the total area receiving less than 500 mm rainfall being 379,000 km.

Government policy on arid zone development

The Government of Kenya is seriously concerned about the welfare of people in the drier areas of the country. In the Five-Year Development Plan (1978-1983) there is special emphasis on the development of the ASAL, and an interministerial task force was set up in 1978 to define issues in ASAL development and to assist in preparing the framework for a co-ordinated approach. This framework was published (Government of Kenya 1979) to provide guidance to all ministries, aid donors, and nongovernmental organizations on the Government's objectives and strategies for the programme.

The emphasis is on the alleviation of poverty through providing basic needs and increasing employment and opportunities to earn income. The people of the ASAL are among the least advantaged in the country. It is the aim of ASAL development to improve the health, education, nutrition, and skills of the people while exploiting the potential productivity of the areas. This requires rehabilitation of degraded lands and conservation of existing resources by appropriate management. The total activity in the ASAL will be seen in the light of a national development that, in the past, has tended to concentrate on the high-production areas.

Forestry organization and policy

The Forest Department within the Ministry of Natural Resources is organized like the forestry departments in many Commonwealth countries, with a Chief Conservator of Forests aided by two assistant Chief Conservators and eight Conservators of Forests with responsibility mainly on an area basis. These are supported by Assistant Conservators responsible for the detailed management of forests on a district basis. In addition there are specialist posts for silviculturist , entomologist, pathologist, engineer, utilization officer, and economist, giving a total professional staff of approximately 60. In addition there are some 200 higher technical staff, 1,500 lower technical staff, 8,000 resident workers, and 4,000 casual employees. This appears to be a large force to deal with the relatively small proportion of land under forest, but it must be remembered that the forests are scattered throughout much of Kenya, offer with poor communications, even though the bulk are in the accessible, high-production areas.

The Sixth Commonwealth Forestry Conference, held at Ottawa in 1952, resolved that each country should, as a matter of urgency, publish a statement of forest policy and that the statement should be implemented by the Government concerned. Kenya published its first policy in 1957, and this was restated by the Government of independent Kenya in 1968. It declared that, for the greater common good of all, forests in the country should be managed according to a number of critical principles: reservation of land for forest purposes; protection of forest estates; promotion of wood-using industry; provision of adequate finance; employment relief; advice on county council and private forests; public amenity; and research and education facilities. These are standard criteria in most national forest policies and cannot be criticized. Unfortunately, to carry out a policy requires legislation, but the existing forest legislation in Kenya predates the policy (the Forest Act, 1911) and it was not framed to meet the current policy. A more detailed policy and appropriate legislation are currently in preparation (Kamweti 1979).

Rural afforestation and extension

Until the early 1970s little was known by Forest Department staff about any forests outside the gazetted forest areas, partly because of deficiencies in the legislation and partly because they were of very low priority. The arid areas were considered a problem for range management officers to deal with rather than foresters. Since 1975, however, the Forest Department has been engaged in a Rural Afforestation Extension Scheme (RAES). The ultimate aim is to have an advisory or extension forester in each of Kenya's 41 administrative districts, and to date some 26 districts have a measure of support from the Forest Department within the RAES.

The scheme began with the more highly populated districts where potential productivity was greater and where adjacent, indigenous forests existed. It has now spread to the ASAL in such districts as Turkana, Narok, Kajiado, Garissa, and Tana River. It is difficult to obtain precise figures on areas or trees planted, or on survival and yield of useful products, but the Forest Department is currently requesting a large component for the RAES to be included in the World Bank's Third Forestry Project Loan now in preparation. The objects are to prevent the uncontrolled destruction of existing vegetation and to enable rural populations to satisfy their requirements.

Needs for forest products and services in the arid zone

The further one progresses into more arid areas the more difficult it becomes to obtain information on the demand and supply of wood products. This is because (a) a large proportion of the population migrates, whether pastoralists or agriculturalists seeking wage labour; (b) wood continues in some areas to be a non-commercial item, freely available except for the labour and time spent gathering it; (c) the needs for wood are few and relatively simple so that wood processing is minimal; (d) an undetermined amount of wood is being exported out of the ASAL and into towns, cities, and other market sites; (e) government recording staff are few, with poor transport and limited resources; and (e) methodologies for measuring wood production and consumption tend to be unclear, and crucial variables such as seasonality, fluctuations in household size, differences in economic position among households, and other important variables are left unconsidered.

In Kenya most of the surveys that have concerned the ASAL dealt with fuelwood, and there have been few estimates of total wood use, As part of the UNESCO-UNEP Integrated Project on Arid Lands (IPAL), Synnott (1979), in an excellent review of tree planting in northern Kenya, made some observations of wood use and reported those of Grum and Hussein Yussuf. Among the nomadic people in the IPAL area (Marsabit, Mt. Kulal, Ngurunit) the main food is uncooked milk, sometimes with fresh blood, so that fuel is not needed for cooking or heating, and the consumption is probably 0.1 m ha -1 year -1. Since living trees and shrubs are widespread, there is no evidence of general fuelwood shortage in northern Kenya except around some settlements (e.g., Kargi). Even house poles are not in short supply because they are conserved carefully during moves and may last up to ten years. The largest use of wood is for the construction of bomas (encirclements to protect domestic animals at night) and Synnott (1979) estimated a demand for 1.5-3.0 m year 1 for each person,

As settlement in the arid zone increases or as we progress into less harsh areas where agricultural production increases, demands for wood also rise. The standard of housing improves, towns and villages become larger, and demands for fuelwood and charcoal increase. Studies of the total energy requirements in Kenya are currently in progress by the Swedish Beijer Institute and by the US Agency for International Development.

In the absence of indigenous coal and oil in Kenya, wood has been the major energy source for cooking and industrial heating. In 1978, estimated consumption of fuelwood was 26 million metric tons annually, but the officially recorded consumption is only 24,000 metric tons. Estimated consumption of charcoal is 310,000 metric tons, while official records show only 15,640 metric tons. For the unrecorded consumption of both fuelwood and charcoal, trees outside Government gazetted forests are felled and not usually replaced (Kamweti 1979). Many estimates of fuelwood consumption have been made for all or part of Kenya, and 12 reports were summarized by Hall (1980) in an appendix to the issue paper on biomass energy for the United Nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy in Nairobi in 1981. In Kenya fuelwood provides cooking and heating energy requirements for 90 per cent of the population at a per capita consumption rate of 1-4 m year -1 (with all but one of the estimates falling in the range 1-2.5 m year -1 ); 80 per cent of the urban population rely predominantly on charcoal (approximately 0.1-0.17 metric tons per person per year). Together, wood and charcoal account for 70-80 per cent of total energy requirements (see also Brokensha and Riley 1978; Maung and Mounier 1979; Mungala 1979; Openshaw 1978, 1980; Openshaw and Morris 1980; Western and Ssemakula 1979.)

A recent fuelwood survey (in preparation for a third World Bank forestry loan) suggested that in the arid zone 1.5 million people consume 1.5 million m of fuelwood and 180,000 metric tons of charcoal for domestic use; these are equivalent to a total of 2.5 million m round wood (Akinga 1980). A further 4.3 million m are believed to be required for commercial, institutional, and industrial purposes within the arid zone. Assuming an annual growth rate for wood of 8 m ha -1 these would require 0.8 million hectares of plantation or their equivalent in hedgerow and farm or village woodlots. This is close to the estimate of 1 million hectares of plantation needed for the whole country by the year 2000 for a population of 34 million made by the World Bank Renewable Energy Task Force study in 1980; this study allowed for 25 per cent substitution by alternative fuels and 15 per cent of the residual needs to be provided by natural forest. Whichever is the more precise estimate, there is no doubt about the very urgent need for tree planting for fuel as opposed to the 300,000 ha of industrial wood plantations.

In addition to the direct production of wood and wood products, trees will play an important part in the restoration of degraded lands and in the protection of land from further desertification through creation of shelterbelts, soil stabilization, and improved soil nutrient supply and water holding. At the same time as trees are being established, however, it will be essential to attack the causes of desertification; these are illustrated in figure 9 (from Lamprey 1978) and considered below under social and economic constraints.

Current programmes of afforestation in the arid zone

Government

Although some 26 districts are now nominally included in the Government Forest Department's Rural Afforestation and Extension Scheme, only three actually have an extension forester to advise local communities or to provide planting stock. Consequently the achievements to date have been small and confined to the higher rainfall areas of the zone. The department's research section has undertaken trials of species and plantation techniques in marginal lands, notably at Bura, Siaya, and Narok, and extension foresters are encouraged to establish trials in their districts. (In contrast to arid zone afforestation, the idea of fuelwood plantations is not new in Kenya, and some 30,000 ha exist in high rainfall areas.)

The projected expenditure for the Rural Afforestation and Extension Scheme in the five year plan period is KSh 6.4 million (US$17 million) with an additional KSh 560,000 (US$1.5 million) for the afforestation component of the Machakos Integrated Development Project.

In addition a Local Afforestation Programme was planned to include the prevention of soil erosion, protection of water catchment areas, and provision of fuelwood and building poles for the rural populations of the Machakos, Kisii, Turkana, Kisumu, Taita Taveta, Kericho, West Pokot, Trans Nzoia, South Nyanza, Baringo, and Samburu districts. Total expenditure in the plan period is KSh 2 million (US$5.4 million).

Silvicultural and genetics staff at the Kenya Agricultural Research Institute* (formerly the East African Agricultural and Forestry Research Organization, Muguga) are beginning to become interested in research for arid zone afforestation, and the Department of Forestry in Nairobi University is also initiating a research project on species testing and nursery technique development at Kibweze (Machakos), but there is little on the ground to date.

International and Bilateral Agencies

As part of the Government of Kenya's strategy for development of the ASAL, various districts may be allotted to different assistance agencies. Several have begun operations or are preparing projects, including the World Bank (Baringo), European Economic Community (Machakos), United Kingdom (Isiolo, Embu, and Meru), Germany (Marsabit, Mt. Kulal, and Ngurunit), Norway (Turkana), and United States (Kitui). (See Uvoo 1978.) Most of these include tree planting, and all will face the constraints to tree planting discussed below: their multiplicity in itself acts as a constraint since, for their preparation and operation, they all demand considerable contributions of the same few skilled staff in the Government Forest Department. These same staff are required to prepare and manage routine work, including the second World Bank loan for plantations just finishing and the third project now in preparation. Furthermore, many are "integrated projects" and thus concern several ministries, including Environment and Natural Resources (with its Natural Environment Secretariat), Wildlife Conservation, and Livestock Development (recently separated from Agriculture). This complexity adds to the difficulties of identifying, preparing, appraising, and managing projects.

The International Council for Research in Agroforestry, together with the Faculty of Agriculture at the University of Nairobi, has prepared a project to determine whether certain types of agro-forestry might not arrest the degradation, improve food and wood production on a sustained basis, and raise the living standards of the people who occupy marginal and semi arid lands. Field research will be conducted at Kibwezi in the semi arid zone (ICRAF 1979) when a donor has been found.

A small number of species trials were established in the Mt. Kulal area as part of the UNESCO/UNEP Integrated Project on Arid Lands (IPAL: see Lamprey 1978), and these have been handed over to local mission stations for continued maintenance.* The place of trees and shrubs in the prevention of desertification in the northern parts of Kenya was stressed by Lamprey (1978), and his illustration of the interacting factors contributing to desertification is reproduced as figure 9 since, in broad terms, these factors apply to the entire marginal ASAL of Kenya.

Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs)

Although many small local community organizations, schools, Boy Scouts, and others do plant trees, some within the ASAL, particularly when encouraged by Government or national treeplanting days, the numbers of trees planted and their survival and growth are not easily assessed.

The largest identifiable group of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with an interest in tree planting are the religious groups, including the National Christian Council of Kenya, the Salvation Army, and the Catholic Relief Service. Through their field missions and stations, which are largely concerned with the settlement and development of rural people, they have established plots of trees from a range of species in a variety of sites from Baringo north to Turkana and Marsabit. (See Paetkau 1980.) In many areas of Kenya, there is a marked correlation between Christianity (and westernization) and tree planting. A neat avenue of Grevillea robusta or a stand of eucalyptus often indicates a Christian homestead.

Overcoming the major obstacles to tree planting

Environmental Constraints

As in India, the major environmental constraints in Kenya are high temperature, low rainfall, and soil characteristics (depth of rooting zone, alkalinity/salinity). Human resource constraints and the lack of meteorological data imply that accurate determination of the degree of aridity can be done in only a few places. However, a greater problem in the ASAL of Kenya is the erratic nature of annual precipitation. Not only does this imply very low precision in establishing isohyets (e.g., figure 2) but, more important, it necessitates repeated trials of species and afforestation techniques over several years. Results of survival and growth from a trial in a year of relatively abundant moisture cannot be extrapolated reliably to years of relative drought.


FIG. 9. Some Causal Factors in Desert Encroachment in Northern Kenya (based on Lamprey 1978)

Because of the natural and man made scarcity of vegetation in the ASAL and the poor texture of the surface layers of the soil, rainfall is often not conducted to deeper soil layers for storage and use by plants but is lost as surface run off with consequent erosion. These problems could be mitigated by the re establishment of vegetation and by the use of planting and cultural techniques that conserve the limited precipitation and make it available to the tree crop.

Because afforestation in Kenya to date has been con centrated in the high rainfall areas, there is little experience in planting in the ASAL. Consequently the various pitting, ploughing, subsoiling, terracing, and other ground preparation techniques that are established elsewhere (see chapter 2 or Ghosh 1977 for examples from India, or Delwaulle 1979b) have not been evaluated fully.

It is true that the systems developed in one region, country, or district are not necessarily optimum in another area, but they may be good starting points for research and development. The low agricultural productivity of the ASAL and the relatively low density of the human population suggest that methods of site preparation and tree crop establishment that are traditional elsewhere (such as the taungya or shamba systems) will not be suitable. Further, as Owino (1980) pointed out, the soil conditions in arid areas dictate that soil disturbance be minimized so that minimum tillage if not zerotillage methods are ecologically appropriate, although water conservation measures will be necessary, including post-planting weed control to minimize competition for limited water supplies. Mulching, including woody mulch, is also promising (Huxley 1981). On the other hand, as stressed by Delwaulle (1979a), the variation in soil type is so great over small distances that typical pure plantations do not capitalize on the site potential and are less productive than mixed crops, indicating that agro-forestry combinations may be the optimum land use despite the added competition for water. The range of crop combinations, spacings, and cultural methods (described for India in chapter 2) must also be evaluated in Kenya.

Whatever the ground-preparation method adopted, it must be timed to coincide with the onset of the rains and, if any form of artificial irrigation is to be contemplated to allow pre rain planting, it must be given in a form and frequency to encourage the natural pattern of root growth of the tree species. However, in many areas at the end of a dry season, water is often not available in sufficient quantities for humans and domestic animals so that pre rain irrigation of trees is unlikely to be feasible. Barrow (1980), a missionary noted for his trials of tree and agricultural crops near Nginya (Baringo), has suggested that deep planting holes with microcatchments (i.e., ridges surrounding saucer-shaped depressions, see fig. 6), should be prepared to collect 50-100 litres of water from the first rains, which would act as a reservoir facilitating tree survival and growth when planting is carried out at the second rains (some two to four weeks later); this technique has had considerable success.

The problem of tree planting on saline soils is similar to that encountered in India (chapter 2), but less is known in Kenya of the distribution and management of such soils. Fewer resources (of water, staff, engineering, or finances) are likely to be available for large scale flushing or soil amendment, and the most likely approach is the choice of salt-tolerant species. In the United Kingdom's proposed technical assistance project, a research station on saline soils is suggested for Isiolo.

Technical Obstacles

Nursery and Plantation Techniques

The technical obstacles form the group of constraints to tree planting that can be most easily overcome Techniques for raising nursery stock for subsequent out planting are reasonably well known for the ASAL (see chapter 2 and Ghosh 1977; Goor and Barney 1968; Kaul 1970; Synnott 1979; Weber et al. 1977) although they are not apparently widely known in Kenya. They are based mainly on polythenetubed seedling stock, cuttings, or stumps. For each species and major site type the optimum morphology of planting stock neds to be determined; although tube size should be minimized to reduce transport and handling costs, it must not be so small that out-planted stock are too small to survive. Also the common practice in wetter areas of root pruning to induce a fibrous, compact root system without a tap root may not be applicable to plants for the ASAL in which a strong tap root is desirable to seek the limited moisture at great depths in the soil. Research is needed into the feasibility of using growth retardants in the nursery to improve pre-planting hardening and antitranspirants for reduction of post-planting water requirements.

Ground preparation and crop cultural techniques already known to maximize water availability were discussed above in relation to the environmental constraints. These have not been assessed in Kenya, and research and development are needed before adequate extension advice can be given. Mulching with organic material would decrease weed competition and increase the water holding capacity, and it is likely to be practical even in arid areas that are already sparsely vegetated provided that woody mulch is used.

Disease and insect protection may be required in future for plantations, and protection against fire and domestic animals (see below) will certainly be needed in the ASAL of Kenya, thus adding to the costs.

Virtually nothing is known of the costs and benefits of nursery and field operations, and these will undoubtedly vary with the site, species, techniques, and labour available. It is essential to have this information precisely estimated for appropriate appraisal of land development projects. Distinction must also be made between revegetation projects (planned mainly for soil and water conservation with no premium on forest products and in which many species should be incorporated to maximize the chance of some usable products) and afforestation or agro-forestry projects (with one or several end products required from fewer tree species either pure or mixed with agricultural crops or pastures); both requirements exist within the ASAL of Kenya.

Species and Provenance

A large number of species have potential for planting in the ASAL of Kenya. Notable successes have been achieved in other African countries and some species have already succeeded in arid areas of Kenya itself. Owino (1980) listed 33 species, but his definition of the arid areas included those with annual precipitation of 250- 1,150 mm; Synnott (1979), however, described some 77 species or genera with potential in the ASAL of northern Kenya (up to 600 mm rainfall) and also classified them by site adaptability, uses, and livestock palatability. The UNESCO/ IPAL project established 49 taxa of trees, shrubs, and herbs at 11 fenced stations in three ecological zones, and after one to three years six species show promise. Other species were listed in Delwaulle (1979c, 1979d) and in the many references given in chapter 2.

Together these reports offer a large number of possible species, but this large choice is itself a constraint. First, it is difficult to obtain seeds or other propagules of many of the species and their provenances; for some of them even the nomenclature and taxonomy are confused. Second, little is known in Kenya about correct seed handling for many species. Third, even if these first two problems were overcome, it would be a major technical and managerial task to undertake the design, management, and evaluation of systematic trials of such large numbers, particularly if many provenances are available. Fourth, the "pickthewinner" approach is wasteful of resources.

The large number of potential species and populations should be reduced on the basis of ecological comparability, physiological understanding of drought and salt tolerance, and experience elsewhere. It was shown in chapter 2 that in India a large number of species and provenances have been systematically tested and a few chosen as having great promise. Some of these will undoubtedly be of value in Kenya, and Kenya should participate to the greatest extent possible in the FAO/IBPGR international trial of tree species for the arid zone with replicated trials on a large number of sites. These may be in the areas assigned to individual bilateral and multilateral assistance projects but should be centrally co-ordinated and evaluated by the silvicultural research staff of the Kenya Forest Department and KARI. The facilities at KARI should be upgraded to facilitate the selection, storage, distribution, and documentation of seeds.

Economic, Social, and Institutional Problems

Sources of Wood

It was shown above that actual consumption of fuelwood alone within Kenya may be as much as one thousand times the officially recorded consumption, although the estimates of Kamweti (1979) were somewhat higher than those of Western and Ssemakula (1979) and certainly higher than those cited by Hall (1980) and Howe and Gulick (1980). Whatever the exact figure, it is clear that vast quantities of fuelwood are being removed (largely from areas outside forest reserves), that demand is increasing as the population increases (at a rate that is virtually the highest in the world), and that both urban and rural demand are such that transport distances have increased between growing area and user (increasing the need for conversion of wood to charcoal).

It is true that all these contribute to the removal of forest and tree cover with no attempt at artificial replacement and the consequent damages of desertification. Until recently the cost of fuelwood in most urban and some rural areas equalled or exceeded the costs of kerosene or butane, which mitigates against further use of wood. However, traditional methods change slowly, and it may be more effective to offer cheap, efficient wood-burning stoves than to rely on a further massive swing to the use of butane or kerosene. As shown by Openshaw (1980), the substitution of non-renewable energy is neither economically nor practically feasible, and renewable energy sources such as biogas and solar heaters are at best only partial solutions. For the Machakos area discussed by Openshaw and for many other parts of the ASAL, the simplest and most practical solution is to guarantee the fuelwood supply by investing in plantations, woodlots, and agro-forestry. However, it should be noted that the study by Openshaw understates the costs and overstates the benefits to farmers of growing fuelwood by giving it a value equal to its price in Nairobi.

Cultural Attitudes toward Wood

Wood is often said to have been a free product in the past, but careful attention has to be given to how "free" was defined by the local people. Depending upon the society, access to land and trees were sometimes formally defined, with access determined by whether one was a member of a particular group. For example, to have rights of access and of gathering wood in a certain area one would have to belong to a particular lineage or other kinship group. Although some Kenyan agricultural societies are said to have been important agents of deforestation in expanding their settlements and farms, these groups sometimes formally recognized the value of trees. Leakey (1977), in his study of the pre-colonial southern Kikuyu (often said to be one of the most active groups in causing deforestation) points out that local councils sometimes set aside forest areas to be protected and maintained.

Wood is also a crucial resource for pastoralists. Many stereotypes of pastoralists exist, with some viewing them as "sons of the desert," while others suggest that "fathers of the desert" might be more accurate. In a recent study of the Masai, Western and Dunne (1979, p. 75) found that they have a "sophisticated knowledge of the environment," and the Masai "exhibited an appreciation of environmental processes and characteristics." These generalizations can probably be applied to other pastoral groups.

Western and Dunne emphasized that the presence or absence of vegetation is an essential element in settlement site selection among the Masai. No settlement is possible in areas devoid of woody vegetation because materials are needed for construction and fuel (Western and Dunne 1979, p. 92). At the same time densely vegetated areas are not favourable because of danger from predators. Western and Dunne also state that settlements generally are located near a good supply of wood because demand for it is so substantial and that collection efforts might be minimized. The Masai recognize particular values of trees and bushes:

Firewood is selected on the basis of its hard, dry qualities to provide a long burn with minimum smoke emission. Many species fulfill these criteria, but there is nevertheless a conscious selection. Because fuel demands are low compared to the amount of material needed in the construction and maintenance of the settlement fence, relatively long trips (to supplies) are possible and settlements are usually closer to construction materials than to firewood.

Choosing different settlement sites during seasonal and yearly migrations allows vegetation to regenerate.

Some observers suggest that the concept of wood as a free product inhibits tree-planting efforts, since people do not perceive wood as being scarce. The time and labour of women and children who collect most of the wood are not seen as having a cost by the local people. Such a view fails to take into account some important socio-economic changes at the local level. Land adjudication has meant the privatization of property. Even if wood itself is not scarce, the privatization of land means that access to available wood supplies is being curtailed. In some areas adjudication has resulted in confusion at the local level rather than in a simple restriction of access, but the privatization of land appears to be the dominant trend. Once people begin to plant cash crops, a concept of the opportunity cost of labour soon develops.

In some areas private landowners are recognizing the scarcity of wood and are planting trees to meet future needs. These plantings have been spontaneous and not the result of Government efforts. As mentioned previously, there are among some groups cultural precedents for tree planting and protection.

Perhaps more an obstacle to tree planting and protection than the perception of wood as a free product is its perception as a source of income. Wood fuels have become commercialized in many areas, and with a rapidly growing urban and rural population this trend is likely to continue. The improvement of transport facilities has linked the rural hinterland with commercial networks. Many rural dwellers, especially the poor, see the sale of wood fuels, particularly charcoal, as a supplementary source of income. The presence of a market thus creates an incentive for consuming resources as fast as possible and without regard for future needs.

Some of the commonest errors in identifying and planning rural community or household-level forestry projects arise precisely from such failure to perceive and understand what are the real costs and benefits to those involved. As in India, there is a lack of dissemination of anthropological information that might help to explain why changes take place and their impact on the people concerned (see, e.g., Brokensha and Riley 1978).

With good management the best tree species will require five years or more in the ASAL to Yield significant quantities of products (even with coppicing for fuel or pruning for fodder). Good management includes ground preparation and post-planting protection (against fire, rodents, domestic animals, and humans themselves). These in turn require security of land tenure. Yet for much of the arid zone of Kenya, as well as the Sahelian zone of Africa and the arid lands of other continents, nomadism, transhumance, and pastoralism are the major land uses, and common land is the major form of tenure. As we have noted, 20 per cent of Kenya's 15 million people live in the ASAL (82 per cent of the total land area). Although local (unofficial) councils of elders make decisions on the use of grazing lands, only a few of the official district councils have set aside areas of common land for tree planting.

Pastoralism, Nomadism, and Land Tenure

Some observers suggest that settling nomadic and transhumant pastoralists might be necessary if tree-planting efforts are to succeed. Past experience with various grazing schemes and group ranches demonstrates that settlement schemes often end in ecological and economic disaster. Desertification by overgrazing, soil compaction, and deforestation around the village may create even more problems than existed previously. Moreover, such a scheme is usually based on the premise, shown to be false in the preceding section, that pastoralists are irrational managers of natural resorces. Numerous studies (Dyson-Hudson 1980; Fumagalli 1978; Gulliver 1955; Helland 1980; Hogg 1980; Schneider 1974; Swift 1975) have convincingly documented the rationality of pastoralism. For a tree planting scheme to work, planners and foresters must work with the pastoralists, not against them.

Because most observers have strong views about pastoralists, and because of the sharp divergence of such views, it is worth amplifying these remarks. Many administrators and planners have a pronounced anti-nomadic bias, in part because nomads are seen as inefficient anachronisms and in part because settled peoples often perceive nomads as a threat. Thus administrators are often ready to blame the stupidity and conservatism of pastoralists as reasons for development failures, while anthropologists hasten to explain how pastoralists' behaviour is really rational and an effective adaptive strategy to their hostile environment. As Chambers (1977, p. 2) recommends, what is needed is a systematic approach that combines research, consultation with local people, and training.

Several detailed studies have recently been made of pastoralists in Kenya (for an excellent review of the literature on "Nomadic Pastoralism," see Dyson-Hudson 1980). Dahl and Hjorts (1976), Baxter (1975), and Hogg (1980) have all made intensive studies of pastoralists and their economic systems They conclusively demonstrate that most present strategies are rational, that pastoralists will consider and adopt agriculture in the right conditions, and that, far from being resistant to change, the herders readily accept innovations and new investment opportunities when these are available.*

The Cattle Economy vs. Monetarization and Markets

Because of the harsh ecological conditions and limited production capacity of the land in the ASAL, relatively little area exists under agricultural crops (although with increasing populations more marginal land is being cultivated) and livestock raising is the principal source of livelihood and is the basis of the economy. Traditionally large numbers of animals are maintained as insurance against loss in periodic disasters such as severe droughts, and these numbers are increasingly exceeding the carrying capacity of the land. This capacity itself has not been adequately studied, but there is an urgent need to determine and maintain a stable equilibrium and Konczacki (1978) suggests a model of pastoral economy that includes the basic conditions for the achievement of that equilibrium. He concludes that to achieve the equilibrium and to maintain pastoralism as a way of life requires outside intervention, including introduction of insurance schemes, reform of land tenure systems, and provision of alternative employment. The widespread planting of tees would offer the third of these requirements and provide for the first, given that the second can be ensured.

In planning development for African pastoralists a major problem is that livestock production hitherto has been practiced for subsistence, not for markets. (See, e.g., Helland 1978.) The economy is essentially not monetary, and sales and marketing systems are poorly developed. Cattle are rarely sold, except under extreme duress, and other products do not enter into market streams except in close proximity to major villages; even here road and transport systems are primitive. The planting of trees is inhibited initially by these constraints, yet at the same time trees could offer means of developing a monetarized economy (and hence marketing and transport systems), particularly through their yields of multiple products, especially fuelwood and fodder. However, this is not substantiated by the present study, and further work is required to focus on the social science aspects of involving nomads in tree planting.

Integrated Land Management

Given that, for obvious reasons, the high-potential areas have been emphasized first and also recognizing that the ASAL must now receive its fair share of attention, the urgent need is for an integrated approach to development involving agricultural and forest departments together with the provincial and district planning authorities. These authorities and financial assistance agencies still require precise estimates of costs of establishing trees in various farms, woodlots, and plantations. For village woodlots, World Bank estimates range from US$300 to over US$1,000 per hectare including the first five Years' maintenance, although Howe and Gulick (1980) quote significantly lower figures for some African villages. Without initial national Government or international assistance, rural communities will obviously be unable to finance major ventures of this type. The relationships of the various factors contributing to desertification are illustrated in figure 9, and suggestions for the development of multiple land use to combat these problems were given by Maydell (1978a, 1978b, 1979) for the Sahelian zone of Africa and are relevant to the Kenyan ASAL. However, these require a rational approach to the use of communal land that has not yet been developed in Kenya although, according to Spears (1978), in some parts of Ethiopia, Nigeria, Rwanda, and Tanzania, rural communities suffering from wood shortage have begun voluntarily to set aside marginal areas such as hill tops and slopes for afforestation.

Staff and Training

Even in the less arid areas, where more permanent agriculture is practiced, distances between administrative centres are great; trained administrative and educational staff are limited; policy makers do not perceive the severity of the problem; and housing and communications are poor. Above all there is a marked reluctance among professionally trained foresters to work in the ASAL. It is a regrettable but common feature of developing countries that professionals prefer to work in capital-city offices rather than in the field (and this is already apparent in Kenya with the declining standards of nursery and plantation practice in existing forests), and in Kenya they prefer to work in the high-potential areas rather than the ASAL, particularly avoiding the north. This of course largely reflects their origin and in turn reflects the former concentration of populations and education in the more productive areas. Further, the problems of arid zone development have not been considered seriously in professional and technical courses to date. To undertake the research and development that is required for widespread tree planting in the ASAL, a major revision of existing curricula is required, and a highly suitable core curriculum has been developed for the University of Nairobi's Department of Forestry by Professor N. Kissick. This is being discussed by the university authorities, and it should receive high priority. It includes are high temperature, low rainfall, and soil characteristics (depth of rooting zone, alkalinity/salinity). Human resource constraints and the lack of meteorological data imply that accurate determination of the degree of aridity can be done in only a few places. However, a greater problem in the ASAL of Kenya is the erratic nature of annual precipitation. Not only does this imply very low precision in establishing isohyets (e.g., figure 2) but, more important, it necessitates repeated trials of species and afforestation techniques over several years. Results of survival and growth from a trial in a year of relatively abundant moisture cannot be extrapolated reliably to years of relative drought.

TABLE 8. Kenya Personnel Training Needs (1981-1990)

Public sector  
i. Rural afforestation in 40 districts out of the
existing 57 including forest management
needs = 40 x 3 =
120
ii. Research staff for the 5 stations of Muguga,
Turbo, Mombasa, Hola, and Kibwezi
(30 M.Sc. + 15 Ph.D)
45
iii. Training-appointees for the Department
of Forestry (M.Sc. level)
13
-teachers for the Londiani Forest Training
School (M.Sc. level)
10
iv. Regional programmes - 10 programmes are
already working, some of which are
listed below:
Tana River Development Authority
Lake Victoria Basin Development Authority
Kerio Valley Development Authority
Baringo Valley Development Authority, etc.
10x 2 =
20
Total public sector
Private sector
208
i. Factories and timber industry 15
ii. Small-scale mills and prefabricated housing 15
iii. Undetermined Yet 0
Total private sector 60
Total public and private sector 268
Additional needs  
i. Wastage, 5 per cent; retirement and
resignation, 5 per cent
26
ii. Foreign students, 10 per cent 6
Grand total 320

Source: Ministry of Natural Resources (Forestry Department),

Faculty of Agriculture, World Bank the course on agro-forestry outlined in Appendix II. ICRAF has already been concerned with agro-forestry training in Kenya through its joint sponsorship of a national seminar (with Nairobi University).

The existing facilities and size of staff (four permanent lecturers) in the university's Department of Forestry are wholly inadequate for the numbers of students and type of course required. However, the fifth World Bank education project currently being appraised includes provision for major expansion of the department's resources to meet the proposed annual requirement of 50 graduates. The composition of this manpower projection is shown in table 8.

It should be noted that a recent high-level projection of personnel requirements by the Kenya Ministry of Natural Resources indicates that Kenya needs 20-30 graduate foresters per Year to be trained for the next five years for employment in the public sector. According to the same source, the high-level staff needs in the private sector are expected to be in the region of 10 to 15 graduates per Year for the next five years. In light of these figures, 30 to 40 graduates per Year will be necessary to meet the needs of the forest sector, including in-service training. However, the physical facilities of the Department of Forestry will be planned up to an intake of 50 per year so as to meet long-term needs, including the possible increasing needs of the private sector and training of wildlife management.

Even if these numbers of professionally trained foresters are produced, there will still be an urgent need for specialized training in research, project planning, and rural extension. In these requirements Kenya is no different from India-it can ill afford to lose the services of staff for the two or three years necessary to obtain post-graduate degrees. The intensive short courses outlined in Appendices I-III would be suitable.