|Agricultural Expansion and Pioneer Settlements in the Humid Tropics (UNU, 1988, 305 pages)|
|2. Spontaneous and planned settlement in south-east Asia|
Clearing and settlement in the highland-lowland transition zone of northern Thailand
Conclusion: government-sponsored versus spontaneous settlement
This paper is an attempt to summarize important aspects of a recent book on resettlement in South-East Asia (Uhlig 1984) and to add some new comments and material. Part of the book consists of studies of spontaneous land clearing in Thailand. Field-work and formulation of these studies were done by my younger colleagues of Giessen University and their Thai counterparts.
Clearing of the forests and the rapid expansion of new agricultural settlements are outstanding processes and problems of regional development in present-day South-East Asia. Pioneer settlement has been occurring recently on a tremendous scale-similar to the medieval clearing period in central Europe or to the expansion of North America's settlement frontier towards the west-most notably in the four ASEAN states of Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines. It contributes to the world-wide conflicts over land and resources, but also to the need to preserve a balanced environment. Well-founded economic interests in forest exploitation clash with those for the protection of the ecological potentials, vegetation, wildlife, soil conservation, water economy, etc. All are challenged by the need to clear new land for settlement and food production for a fast-growing, landless or "underlanded" population.
The aim of replacing the shifting cultivation of the hill tribes with permanent settlement and marketable crops is matched by the massive revival of uncontrolled swiddening by lowlanders and by an encroaching "commercial shifting cultivation." The impacts of cutting timber and/or clearing new fields are accelerated by the use of heavy machinery and power saws.
The land-hunger of smallholder pioneers, as well as of agricultural entrepreneurs growing crops for vital export earnings, clashes with the legal and fiscal interests of government land and forestry authorities, whereas other official agencies are bound to follow the settlement extension by providing the needed infrastructure, such as schools, health stations, public transport, etc. Social justice may be upset by land conflicts at the pioneer front and by the dependence of smallholders on middlemen, contractors, or money-lenders. Labour migration from poor regions may be stimulated by the new opportunities but with uncertain socio-economic prospects.
Whereas the state-directed settlement schemes-such as Transmigrasi ("transmigration"), FELDA (Federal Land Development Authority), and others-are widely covered by official and scientific reports and plans, the spontaneous opening up of new agricultural regions is passing nearly unnoticed by research work or official publications. It has grown to such a scale and importance that it outstrips the official schemes in area, in population, and occasionally also in productivity (only in Malaysia does this seem to be reversed).
A programme initiated by the Volkswagen Research Foundation of Germany, funding research projects on present-day problems of South-East Asia, finally provided the opportunity to launch a study of some areas of recent spontaneous land clearing in Thailand with a team of younger geographers from Giessen University and a number of Thai colleagues and younger assistants. It is clearly much more difficult to obtain reliable information on the spontaneous clearing or even to assess its real extent than it is for the official projects, which are usually well documented and more or less exactly surveyed and delineated. We decided to focus our main interest on spontaneous clearing not only because of its scientific interest but also because of the strong practical importance of the undirected settlement for the entire regional and socio-economic development of the countries of South-East Asia.
Thus, we could hardly avoid reaching certain conclusions and making certain comparisons, which can be summed up under the heading "state-directed versus spontaneous settlement." Hoping to focus attention on this question and to present some research findings on the hitherto neglected spontaneous land colonization, we would like to move from an originally purely scientific goal to the presentation of some arguments and theses which might be useful for further development policy in South-East Asia.
Like the majority of the developing countries of the world, those of South-East Asia-and the ASEAN countries in particular-are experiencing today a phase of rapid modernization. Still, rapid population growth and the consequent strong land-hunger remain among their major problems. Notwithstanding the impressive increases in food production during the last decades, it can only partly keep pace with the dramatic population growth, despite the initial successes in birth control. Likewise, all attempts towards industrialization and the fast growing urbanization have not yet provided sufficient employment other than agricultural work, and true alternatives of development are still widely lacking. With the agricultural population still constituting 60-80 per cent of the total population, the need for more land remains a dominating political problem, and the opening of new agricultural areas is a primary goal of regional and national development.
This means conflicts over land use and especially an ever-growing pressure on the forest reserves. Their rapidly progressing destruction by timber extraction as well as by slash-and-burn agriculture is growing into a severe ecological hazard. Within the socioeconomic sectors, financial, political, and property-rights problems are added and aggravate the tasks of creating new agricultural holdings on a level well above a primitive subsistence economy together with sufficient economic prospects for the future. Moreover, these attempts are accompanied by speculative exploitation and corruption, giving priority to fast profits and no regard for ecological stability. South-East Asia's strong ethnic and cultural pluralities lead to additional political friction wherever foreign majorities, members of different religions, etc. become involved in the land conflicts. Similarly, the principles and goals of state controlled planning and administration frequently run into conflict with the activities and needs of spontaneous land colonization and inroads into the forests. Opening up new areas for agriculture nearly always means the clearing of more forests. Thus, the conflicts either between the forest authorities and the spontaneous settlers (or squatters, as the authorities call them) or even between the forestry administration and the state-directed land-clearing schemes follow a predetermined course. A continual conflict of interests between the preservation of the ecological and economic values of the forests (timber, water-supply, soil conservation, climatic influences, wildlife protection, etc.) and agricultural expansion-or rather the need for more food and for more export crops for the sake of the national economies-is hard to avoid.
The provision of new agricultural land remains therefore a major problem of planning and development. Frequently the state-directed attempts, usually slow moving and handicapped by bureaucratic obstacles, have been beaten by spontaneous pioneer clearings, but at the same time often by political and social conflicts. Where these conflicts have developed into volatile political and armed conflicts, and sometimes into either insurgent activity or the formation of communist underground organizations, they have gained dangerous dimensions, as in the case, for example, of the Moro resistance in the southern Philippines. They have also brought about severe ecological damage.
When close examination of satellite photographs in Thailand revealed that 57 per cent of the forest cover of the national territory still existing in 1961 had shrunk to a mere 37 per cent in 1974, the Thai forestry administration issued an alert that created much concern. A recent paper by Boonchana Klankamsorn (1981) recorded a loss of 9.9 per cent of the forests per year between 1973 and 1978 and thus a remaining forest cover of only 25 per cent! This is, however, only one of the signals of the importance of balancing the opening of new settlement regions with a policy for the equally important protection-or even improvement and afforestation at appropriate places-of the national forest wealth.
The areas of the detailed case studies discussed in the papers by Scholz and by Napat Sirisambhand, chaps. 3 and 4 below-the Khorat escarpment-Km 79 area and the Chon Buri hinterland-are in this region (based on the 1: 250,000 topographical maps for 1950-1955, and on air photos [for 1966] and satellite map data [for 1972 and 1976] of the Royal Thai Forestry Department) (Map by L. Dreher)
TABLE 1. Percentages of the area covered by forest of three provinces in eastern Thailand
The latest available calculations (August 1982) from the Remote Sensing and Forest Mapping Division of the Royal Thai Forestry Department for the eastern region of Thailand, which includes the majority of the areas covered by our case studies, indicate a 46.79 per cent decrease of forest in the entire region from 1973 to 1982, and even 74.61 and 75.61 per cent in the provinces of Chon Buri and Rayong respectively. Table 1 shows the dramatic shrinkage of the forest area in the three provinces in which the majority of our case studies were located.
The recent large-scale land clearance and establishment of a new, booming agricultural zone in the Chon Buri hinterland can be fully understood only in context with the impressive changes in Thailand's crop production and related world trade. Besides sugarcane and maize, the tremendous expansion of the production of cassava (Manihot esculenta, processed into tapioca) was one of the most decisive factors during the last decade.
In 1940 (at about the same time as the Philippines) Thailand recognized the necessity of a public settlement policy and passed an initial law, but because of the circumstances of the war and the post-war period, it has become effective only since the 1960s. The continuing growth of the population (3-3.5 per cent a year during the period 1960-1970, and around 1980 still 2.1 per cent) and the corresponding demand for employment and land reserves with 80 per cent of the population still living on the land led to establishment of a Land Settlement Division of the Public Welfare Department (within the Ministry of the Interior). Its Self-Help Land Settlement Schemes cover the majority of the state-directed projects and are the most thoroughly organized ones. Besides this, the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives created its own Co-operative Settlement Schemes (with two pioneer projects already started in the late 1930s), and some six or more other departments are also engaged in certain minor attempts.
The earliest and largest government scheme is the Sara Buri-Lop Buri Self-Help Land Settlement. This is situated in the central region, 136 km north of Bangkok, and comprises 320,000 ha of agriculturally usable land (predominantly on good limestonerendzina soils) and 18,000 settler families. Each family received 4 ha of land for intensive dry-field cultivation, chiefly in the form of individual farms set apart along roads or in ribbon developments. One scheme of over 80,000 ha was begun in 1967 under the care of a combined German-Thai development project at Phra Buddhabat; its aim was summed up as the "improvement and stabilization of the sources of income of the settlers through improved methods of agriculture."
This aim was to be realized through the introduction of new crops (in the settlement area or in Thailand generally) and of cattle breeding on mixed farms, the development of agricultural purchasing and sales organizations, in inspection of machines and tools for their suitability for use on the new farms, and the agricultural training of settlers and settlement officials. The scheme, which has since been handed over to the Thai authorities (and incidentally has been succeeded by the Lamtakhong Scheme not far away on the edge of the Khorat plateau), excelled in intensifying maize cultivation and especially in introducing new crops and rotations suited for commercial dry-field cultivation. Included among these new crops were cotton, peanuts, soya beans, Hibiscus sabdarifla for tea and refreshment drinks, sunflowers, cassia, water-melons, and mung beans. In addition to improvements in advisory services and the opening up of water resources (well construction), an exemplary organization in the form of an agricultural purchasing and credit co-operative was set up. This was intended to counter the traditional system of dependence on intermediaries who impose exaggerated rates of interest and the resulting indebtedness of the farmers. In spite of its success, there is still room for improvement in the peasant population's understanding of the idea and discipline of the co-operative, and the temptation is still strong to sell products to intermediaries if they offer a better price or cheaper credits and to sell land to middlemen when debts have been incurred.
In contrast to this large-scale scheme and others with support from various nations and international organizations, the average number of families in the majority of settlement schemes is about 3,000, with the smallest having only about 150. Though small wet-rice fields for domestic consumption are planted wherever the ground is suitable, the programmes of intensification of rice cultivation (rice now as ever being the chief crop in production) are conducted by the Ministry of Agriculture independently of the selfhelp land settlement schemes of the Department of Public Welfare.
The satellite photographs revealed that from 1961 to 1974 roughly 10 million ha of forest land had been denuded! A survey in 1974, conducted by the Ministry of the Interior in co-operation with the Ministry of Agriculture and Co-operatives, covered 202 forest reserves, with 4.6 million ha altogether, in which there were at least 200,000 families: " . . . although official figures on the number of squatters and the amount of area they occupy are not known, conservative estimates within government circles have set the number of squatters [for all Thailand] at a million families [i.e. roughly 5-6 million people!] and the occupied acreage at 4-5 million hectares" (Chirapanda and Tamrongtanyalak 1980, 112).
Adding together 8.7 million ha rice land, approximately 0.7 million ha opened up by the various settlement schemes, and approximately 4-5 million ha of spontaneously settled land, we arrive at about 13.4-14.5 million ha. As the total area of farm land in Thailand was given at 18.1 million ha in 1976, there remains still a difference. This is partly accounted for by the 0.4-0.5 million ha for rubber and further by home gardens, orchards, etc., but there seems still to remain a gap, which most probably indicates a still larger area of 'squatting." Other estimates assume much larger areas of spontaneously cultivated land. Scholz (1980b), for example, bases his estimates on the agricultural statistics of Thailand, which indicate an overall growth of the amount of land in use from 7.8 million ha in 1956 to 16.9 million ha in 1975, a growth of no less than 9.1 million ha! The state-directed settlement schemes were restricted in that calculation to a share of 0.5 million ha opened between 1945 and 1975 (Klempin and Sandler 1975). (Since that date there have been further extensions.) Wet-rice cultivation has still been expanded by a yearly growth rate between 0.3 per cent in the central plain and 2.6 per cent in other regions, notably the north-east (World Bank 1980).
TABLE 2. Settlement schemes 1979, 1980
|Type||Area (ha)||Settler families||Persons|
|Self-help land settlement schemes: (1980), 58 projects||363,632||110, 670||550,000|
|Co-operative land settlements: (1979)||222,723||50,062||250,000|
|Land allocation programme: (1979)||87,123||56,077||310,000|
|War veteran's settlement projects: (1979), 8 schemes||4,386||195||1,000|
|Land development projects: (1979), 4 projects||21,300||10,200||50,000|
|Forest community development projects||-||2,243||11,000|
With all reservations concerning the reliability of the given figures, they reveal some facts of astonishing dimensions:
1. With roughly 4-5 million ha the spontaneous land clearance in Thailand opened an area of at least six times the size of the state-directed settlement (or various kinds), given at roughly 700,000 ha.
2. The farming population involved shows a relatively small difference, comparing the roughly 230,000 families within the official settlement schemes with around 1 million in the six-fold area of the spontaneous clearing. There may be some miscalculations in the latter figure, but several facts indicate the existence of a certain distinction between the two groups. Our research has shown that a considerable number of farmers in the spontaneous clearing areas are not permanent residents but "agro-seasonal commuters" between their original homes and small rice-fields in the village of origin (disadvantaged by the small sizes of holdings or tenancy burdens) and the new settlements, where they stay only in temporarily used houses for planting and harvesting their dry-land crops. In traditional farming areas near the edge of the forests (e.g. the southern and western margins of the Khorat plateau), they reside within walking distance of their additional fields cleared for maize or cassava from the forest reserves.
3. The overall figures of 4-5 million ha of spontaneously cleared land plus cat 700,000 ha of the various official settlement schemes exceed considerably the extent of the already impressive land settlement of Malaysia by FELDA, covering 654,583 ha (1984) in West Malaysia, and the results of Transmigrasi in Indonesia, which up to 1980 had resettled some 1.3 million ha (while the amount of spontaneous settlement there is hardly calculable). Both figures of the extent of state-directed settlement of Malaysia as well as of Indonesia are not far from the 700,000 ha of state-directed settlement in Thailand. Taking into account the 147 million inhabitants of Indonesia compared to Thailand's 46 million, the latter's proportional share is quite impressive. West Malaysia, on the other hand (ca. 11 million people), nearly equals Thailand's figure, especially if one allows somewhat more for schemes other than FELDA. This, of course, refers to only the stateorganized schemes. Considering the extent of the spontaneous settlements, Thailand's huge acreage seems to break all proportions!
Our research disclosed a number of different types of spontaneous settlement in Thailand. They may be summarized as follows:
1. Extension of existing village lands by new, sometimes very large, clearings in the adjoining forests, but farmed still from the old villages. Examples are the extensions of cassava lands by many villages at the southern and western margins of the Khorat plateau into the forests of the Khorat escarpment. Riethmuller (chap. 5) demonstrates another case in his paper, the tremendous extension of maizefields into steep forest slopes bordering the upper Mae Nam Pa Sak valley.
2. "Agro-seasonal commuters" retaining their original fields and houses in their native villages (e.g. in NE Thailand), planting their small rice-fields there, and moving afterwards every year to distant new clearance areas. There they occupy temporary huts and prepare one crop of maize on newly cleared land. They commute between both places until both crops are harvested and return to their villages during the dry season.
3. True pioneer squatters settling permanently in newly cleared lands. They may be subdivided into a majority group growing cash crops for a market economy, usually closely connected to traders providing the marketing and sometimes seeds, credit, tractor ploughing, etc., and a second, small group of true subsistence squatters, achieving a fairly modest existence from remote jungle clearings only. They usually start by swiddening, but quite often what was intended to become an "incipient shifting cultivation," to be followed by permanent fields, has been abandoned, the land falling back to secondary shrubs and imperata grasses.
4. Quite successful and permanent attempts to create holdings for high-altitude market gardening at various locations where good access roads to the markets reach higher areas.
5. Finally there remain the large clearings (carried out and farmed partly by more or less dependent smaller pioneers) of agricultural entrepreneurs (economically viable, but not without social problems). (See the papers by Sirisambhand and Scholz.)
Other regions with remarkable inroads of new settlements into the forests occur in northern Thailand. The highland-lowland transition zone (topic of an international UNU symposium at Chiang Mai in 1978) has especially been affected (Uhlig 1980). In many ways similar to the above-mentioned examples, it is distinguished by varying geoecological conditions of the natural mountain setting. In certain cases it is complicated by the socio-economic clashes of interest between the Thai valley dwellers pushing up into the hills and the hill tribes, who are the original shifting cultivators of the mountains. These problems are discussed in detail in Uhlig (1980).
The easy access to large stretches of mountain forests afforded by timber exploitation and the rapid construction of new roads, combined with the boom in maize exports, especially during 1971-1974, and in cassava in more recent years, caused a new phase of radical clearing and squatting, partly encroaching upon forest reserves. As discussed above, according to the rural traditions of the Thai as well as of the hill peoples, the clearing of new land from the forest is regarded as common law, practiced since ancient times. This has caused several land conflicts, resulting even in armed clashes and casualties. It is tragic that areas of spontaneous land clearing in this mountain region are all too likely to become politically sensitive areas; a more flexible land policy and effective aid by the authorities to genuine settlers, instead of attempts to prevent cultivation, would be more in the public interest of the country. Obviously the forest authorities are aware of this and frequently are quite tolerant and act to prevent deprived settlers from being driven into the arms of communist insurgent groups.
Initially, swiddening starts with a first crop of upland rice for subsistence. Fairly soon, however, the cash crops maize and cassava become dominant. The fields are usually irregular and dotted with stumps and remaining trees. In most cases, what is intended is an incipient shifting cultivation, aimed at opening up the land, with permanent cultivation to follow. Sometimes, however, after two or three years the nutrient content of the soil is depleted and weeds spread themselves thickly. New tracts are then felled and burnt and the former are left to imperata grasses. Thus, in practice a new shifting cultivation of a very crude and unregulated nature emerges, much more harmful to the environment than the old established integrated swidden systems of some of the hill tribes (notably of the Karen and Lua).
One of the most outstanding examples evolved along the road from Phitsanulok to Lomsak across the mountain ranges of Tung Saleng Luang National Park. Constructed in the early 1970s, the new road attracted a large influx of settlers from the northern parts of the central lowlands and from the Isan, the poor north-east. Within a few months they had felled and burnt the forests in a most destructive way. A belt of several kilometres in width paralleled the main road and several side roads. The area, situated at an elevation between 500 and 1,000 m, was dotted with irregular plots of maize and cassava under the skeletons of dead trees. Nearly two-thirds of the clearings were overgrown by imperata and saccharum grasses or bushes. Scattered huts, some temporary, others permanent, formed the settlement pattern. The authorities, however, refused to grant deeds to the land and defended the national park and within a few years were able to remove the majority of the settlers to other areas.
Poor soil conditions and subsequently fast declining agricultural yields gave support to the reversion to forest-up to now, of course, only a meagre secondary scrub. In most cases the local administration is forced to accept the fact of the (originally illegal) established settlements and to try to arrange for registration, basic rural organization, schooling, etc.
A considerable share of the colonization in the Lomsak region is worked by hired labourers or by dependent settlers who are indebted to or otherwise financed by agricultural entrepreneurs. Traders, comprised in part of ethnic Chinese, from regional centres and smaller market towns as well as officials, professionals, and modern farmers, some of whom hold degrees in agriculture, are similarly engaged as backers.
In 1985 we undertook more detailed research into the clearances of the Mae Nam Pa Sak watershed region, including the planned resettlement projects located in the Khao Khor Mountains, where heavy fighting against communist insurgents was occurring up to 1982. (Riethmuller describes this area of tremendous forest destruction in chap. 5.) High-altitude market gardening is evident in this mountain area, too, exemplified in the very successful development of the Campson Plateau of about 700-900 m. This type of cultivation has only recently emerged in Thailand, though long established in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and the Himalayas, notably around former hill resorts and near roads crossing the mountain passes.
Malaysia is the South-East Asian state which encourages and organizes land reclamation most consistently and supports it best financially. According to an official government statement, "land settlement [is] one of the major approaches in agricultural and socioeconomic development. Malaysia . . . will have to continue to depend on the expansion of its traditional agricultural and other primary industries. All this will have to focus on the availability of land resources. The development of such land resources during the next few decades will have to be guided by a wise policy and its pragmatic implementation . . . with the dual problem of either to open up new areas or to give priority to conservation" (Bahrin 1981). In 1958, before the ambitious planned and programmed development in the country, 74 per cent of the land area was under forest and only 16 per cent was under agriculture; by 1974 agriculture had reached 26.2 per cent while 58.6 per cent forest remained. During the Second Malaysia Plan (19711975) a further 323,607 ha were newly opened up. The third plan (1976-1980) and future decades are expected to result in similar clearings (Bahrin 1981, 557-558).
As the other contributions to this volume provide much new information on aspects of pioneer settlement in Malaysia, only a few warrant mention here:
1. The state-organized programmes include political aims, connected to the New Economic Policy (1975) to improve the economic share of the bumiputera (i.e. ethnic Malaysians).
2. There was an unintended predecessor, the "emergency settlement" during the civil war of 1948-1958 of about 0.5 million people (87 per cent ethnic Chinese moved into cat 440 villages, 58 per cent of which were new) (Pelzer 1963; Sandhu 1964). A smaller parallel occurred in Sarawak in 1965 during Sukarno's konfrontasi, resettling approximately 8,000 (mainly Chinese) smallholders (Uhlig 1970).
3. Through FELDA and related schemes, by 1975 317,000 ha had been added to Malaysia's wet-rice land, mainly double cropping, increasing the supply of rice to 80-90 per cent of the country's consumption.
4. The large-scale introduction of the oil palm into smallholder settlement schemes has been a world-wide innovation of great importance.
5. FELDA alone has instigated 367 land schemes covering some 654,583 ha throughout Malaysia. By June 1984 84,265 settler families-more than half a million people-had benefitted from the FELDA schemes, mainly on the peninsula, but to a certain degree also in Sabah. FELDA expects to settle at least 200,000 families (more than a million people) through its schemes by 1990 (Information Malaysia 1985). Whereas most publications quote only the achievements of the most important settlement projects, it should be noted that besides FELDA other organizations have been quite effective in creating additional land settlements. Notable among them are FELCRA (Federal
Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority), which is enlarging ("fringe alienation"), improving, or opening up new land for rubber, oil palm, cocoa, and rice smallholders and RISDA (Rubber Industries Smallholder Development Authority), which again improves (replanting) and extends smallholdings throughout the country. Besides these, most of the individual states are running their own extensive land development schemes. For example, Ketengah, the development authority for the Trengganu Tengah region, as of 1981 was successful in planting 74,625 ha (67.2 per cent oil palm, 6.3 per cent rubber and other crops such as cocoa, sago, rice) in 43 agricultural settlement projects in the hitherto untouched interior of Trengganu (Development Authority, Trengganu 1981). Figure 2 aims at an overall view of regional land development in West Malaysia.
The Fourth Malaysia Plan (1980-1985) (p. 270) gives the progress in land development for 1971-1980 and the target for 1981-1985 as follows:
|Achievement (ha)||Target (ha)|
|Joint venture/private sector||120,047||128,441|
The aim of reaching a comprehensive overview of all land newly cleared and settled in the ASEAN countries would be greatly supported if our Malaysian colleagues would attempt a more detailed inventory of all settlements developed so far, including all the various schemes beyond FELDA's immediate reach and including recent developments in East Malaysia.
6. Intensive clearing of forests-for settlement as well as (or even more) for timber extraction-has to be critically evaluated because of its ecological implications. Massive inroads into the tropical rain and mountain forests have caused widespread and severe soil erosion, aggravated by deep weathering in tropical soils. The breakdown of soil structure and the loss of soil fertility have to be controlled. Logging and the construction of access roads and tracks are certainly responsible for the worst part, but the interval between clearing and planting on land cleared for agriculture can also cause excessive erosion. And even under tree crops like rubber the interception of precipitation is much less than in primary forest with its several tree storeys and dense undergrowth.
As Bahrin (1981) has summarized, the Malaysian public and government, scientists, foresters, as well as agriculturalists have by now become aware of these dangers. Erosional or environmental problems must not be allowed to delay or curtail land development. But there is now an awareness of the need to find concepts and controls to ensure that growth serves both development and conservation. The remaining reserves of agriculturally suitable land (2 million ha) should therefore be apportioned according to the following ratios: crop land, 70 per cent; infrastructure, settlements, industries, 14 per cent; `'ecosystems," especially conservation of catchment reserves, 12 per cent; mining, 4 per cent.
7. Remarkable changes in settlement have also occurred in East Malaysia. Shifting cultivation was estimated to occupy 63,500 ha in Sarawak and 44,000 ha in Sabah (Lee 1970; Wong 1973). Clearly, land development by stabilizing shifting cultivation and replacing it with permanent cultivation and settlement must be one of the main aims. In some cases the indigenous groups have already progressed to a higher level of material and technical advancement, especially including permanent irrigated rice cultivation, while still living in the traditional, but now permanently located, longhouses. Some Kelabit and related groups in Sarawak have shown outstanding achievement in a highland environment of up to 900-1,200 m. Some settlements have close affinities with similar settlements across the border in Indonesian Kalimantan (Voon and Khoo 1980).
Attempts to replace shifting cultivation and settlement, formerly relocated in intervals of several years, by permanent housing schemes (including primary and secondary schools) and plantations of rubber, pepper, etc., were observed by this author in 1962 and 1966 in Sarawak. In my papers of 1966 and 1970 (in German) I describe various attempts, mainly in the uplands of Sabah, to change shifting cultivation into permanent agriculture and settlement and to stabilize the newly opened land. Besides the so-called coastal Dusun (Kadazan), who had moved down to the coastal plain and converted it into permanent wet-rice land as early as the turn of the century, there emerged in the 1950s and early 1960s more areas of wet-rice and mixed cultivation in the valleys and upland basins of the interior, as in Ranau, Keningau, etc. Imperata savannahs (abandoned shiftingcultivation tracts) had been converted into cattle-ranches, following the example of coastal Bajau around Kota Belud (Uhlig 1966). The Lohan Settlement Scheme, part of the larger Labuk Scheme. sponsored by Unesco and connected with the first road construction from the north-west to the east coast, created several villages and lands for about 800 Kadazan shifting cultivators to be settled permanently as wet-rice and mixed-crop farmers. Other schemes-at that early period not massive but successfully pioneering in smaller attempts, guided by the agricultural extension service-introduced the replanting of shifting cultivation plots with rubber instead of leaving them to secondary bush. Thus considerable numbers of native rubber smallholdings were created during the nine or ten-year period of a former shifting cultivation cycle, the first rubber becoming ripe for tapping during that same time!
Replacing shifting cultivation by high-altitude market gardening of temperate vegetables, cabbage, tobacco, etc., was demonstrated by the example of the Kundasan-Bundu Tuhan uplands (1,200-1,500 m, near Mt. Kinabalu on the then new  pass road to Ranau). As Voon and Khoo (1980) have reported this development has since extended over an area of some 5,000 ha, comprising ten settlements and about 5,500 people. Cultivation and marketing have been consolidated by the Kundasan Irrigation Scheme and a state-owned development corporation (1976). Another 200 ha scheme for temperate vegetables and 400 ha for coffee, cardamom, and other cash crops and dairying have been added on the Pinosuk plateau to the existing (since 1970) vegetable cultivation in that location.
Generally high-altitude market gardening of temperate vegetables and fruits has become an ecologically well-adjusted alternate type of new colonization in many upland areas of south and south-east Asia, wherever road construction has opened access to the lowland markets where these products fetch fair prices. This is true, for example, in the Cameron Highlands in West Malaysia (Voon and Khoo 1980) but also in many mountainous parts of Java, Sumatra, Bali, northern Luzon (Philippines), Burma, the Himalayas (usually near older established hill stations), and of northern Thailand (Uhlig 1975, 1979, 1980).
Apart from these highland developments, the relocation of native populations (and to a limited extent immigrants from West Malaysia) to modern schemes has gained momentum in the lowlands too, notably in the large lowland forests of Sabah (Sutton 1977). This applies mainly to the hinterland of Sandakan and Tawau, on account of the more favourable conditions there and in order to bring new possibilities of use to the rain forests which have been degraded to secondary forests through extensive tree felling associated with large-scale timber concessions. Although Sabah has been part of Malaysia since 1963, FELDA was not directly entrusted with land development there; rather the Sabah Land Development Board was the operating agency. Its task was the consolidation of earlier (state) schemes and the organization of new projects. It operated very much after the manner of FELDA, again with the main emphasis on oil-palm schemes (including palm oil mills). By 1976 the Sabah Land Development Board had created 29 schemes with a planted area of 24,629 ha (with the high share of 21,242 ha of oil palms) and 2,300 settler families. The plans for 1980 called for a total of 57,565 ha and about 10,000 families. Assuming an average family size of 6.5, these newly cleared settlements in Sabah alone would for the early 1980s provide land for some 54,000-100,000 people (Sutton 1977). In some cases the settlers were already in residence, frequently as squatters, but the majority have only recently moved into the schemes. Cultural conflicts may occur where the creation of modern, commercially viable schemes clash with still functioning native communities of the Kadazan or Murut shifting cultivators (not yet reached by the above-mentioned changes) and their traditional longhouse settlements (Uhlig 1966, 1970; Sutton 1977; Voon and Khoo 1980). In the mean time the Sabah state government decided to join its land development programme with FELDA, which opened up 6,748 ha there in 1981. Under the Fourth Malaysia Plan (1981-1985) a total of 33,424 ha or 23.6 per cent of the overall programme has been earmarked for development in Sabah (FELDA 1981).
The speed of land clearing and of the provision of new settlements has been so fast that there appears to be a shortage of potential settlers to fill them. Sarawak still depends on its own settlement programmes, begun in the early 1960s with the permanent settlements of Dayak shifting cultivators on land near their traditional settlements. The author remembers a scene that vividly expresses the dramatic changes resulting from this modernization: In 1966 during a visit to an Iban longhouse at a distance of only some 500 m from the Melugu Settlement Scheme (second division of Sarawak) the elderly village chief appeared to become somewhat irritated when we saw a net filled with old skulls from former head-hunting ceremonies still hanging on the verandah of the longhouse. He quickly explained that these heads had been taken during his grandfather's generation, whilst nowadays his own grandchildren were attending the modern secondary school attached to the new settlement scheme, which their parents had recently joined (Uhlig 1966, 1970). In 1970 this Melugu land development scheme had achieved 782 ha planted with rubber and divided into 236 settlers' lots. The total of seven land development schemes (so-called type B. for former tribal shifting cultivators) of Sarawak had established 5,548 ha of rubber in 1,313 lots; no further rubber planting followed after 1970 (Lien 1980, table 3.5).
Although Sarawak consists of 77 per cent primary or secondary forest, the legal complexity of its land-tenure system (e.g. the reserves of "native area land" and "native customary land" for the indigenous shifting cultivators) makes it difficult to find suitable areas for settlement schemes. The rubber planting schemes of the Sarawak Land Development Board were divided into the above-mentioned B-type "group rubber planting projects," designed for the local natives, and schemes with individual titles to land. In contrast to West Malaysia, the oil palm was practically non-existent in Sarawak prior to 1970 and is still playing a minor part there, mainly on an estate basis, which is new to Sarawak (Senftleben 1978). It is included in Sarawak's largest development area, the Bintulu-Miri-Long Lama region. A master plan covering the development of its roughly 1.5 million ha of mainly tropical forest land was completed in 1974; some 20,000 ha may be under production by now. Long-range projections estimate approximately 360,000 ha of mostly unpopulated land (half of it "native customary land") to be cultivable.
In the Philippines there is evidently a greater share of spontaneous land settlement. The social differentiation of the settlers ranges from the forest-clearing pioneer with a poor subsistence economy to the better equipped and more experienced farmers and finally to agricultural contractors whose aim is to open up larger agricultural areas with the help of capital, machinery, and specialized types of farming (e.g. sugar-cane, abaca). The pioneers frequently have to leave their clearings to others due to indebtedness and start again at new settlement frontiers.
During 1948-1960 roughly 1.2 million people, mostly spontaneous migrants, came to Mindanao, especially to the provinces of Cotabato and Davao (Krinks 1970). This flow of "non-assisted migrants ' had already begun around 1919 and continued into the 1970s. Krinks (1970) observed a characteristic regional grouping of the colonies according to the settlers' origins (e.g. Ilocos, Cebu, etc.) and the continual following-on of friends and relatives from home, for whom often unofficial "reserves" of uncleared land were kept. On the other hand, this preservation of contact with the home areas by the new colonists is a more general process which has already been mentioned in relation to the spontaneous forest-clearing areas of Thailand and will come up again with Indonesian migrations.
Until the intensified revival of state-directed settlement policy by an ambitious fiveyear plan (1975-1980) inaugurated during the phase of martial law by former President Marcos (aiming to settle 22,000 families), all preceding programmes together (19391975) had moved 38,212 families (about 192,000 people) into state directed and supported resettlement projects. Spontaneous land clearing during the same period must have been considerably stronger. The slow progress of statedirected resettlement up to that time is also demonstrated by a comparison with the statistical figure of 1.5 million people taking part in interregional migrations in the Philippines during 19601970-most of them, however, moving into Luzon's growing urban centres and only some 318,000 to southern and 44,000 to northern Mindanao.
The modern resettlement programmes coincide with some new features. Beginning in 1972 (the start of martial law) land reform was pushed much more intensely and since that time a considerable number of former tenants became the owners of their tilled land. The state is compensating the former large landowners. The new smallholderowners-mainly rice or maize farmers-are contributing to this over longer ranges by gradual repayment of state-guaranteed credits. Second, the resettlement programmes have been designed still more strongly to effect social pacification. This applies to the problems of the heavily over-populated core regions (central Luzon, parts of the Bisayas, especially Cebu, etc.) but still more to the ongoing conflicts between Christians and Muslims in the south, which gained in intensity in the 1960s and early 1970s. The burning and plundering of entire villages (including resettlement projects), and even towns, has set large numbers of refugees-1 million according to official announcements-on the move. To counteract this Marcos proclaimed in 1975 a further 106,912 ha of land for public settlement schemes, designed for returning refugees and also for rebel returnees who declare their willingness to return to peaceful agriculture (Hanisch 1977; Huke 1963).
In his evaluation of land settlement in South-East Asia Bahrin (1973) holds that although the conflicts between Muslims and Christians in the southern Philippines have different causes conflicts over settlement land play an important role. Several hot spots involved in such clashes are situated in the resettlement areas located in the provinces of Lanao and Cotabato, Mindanao. Although the establishment of the settlements was motivated by the explicit aim of national integration, exactly the opposite has happened. From his experiences with the Malaysian resettlement policy he advises all South-East Asian states to take special care when dealing with political problems associated with land development. Besides the Philippino problem and the conflicts between native inhabitants and the (often ethnically and religiously different) transmigrants from Java and Bali in the Indonesian outer islands, he points also to the dangers of analogous resettlement projects of the Thai government in the Muslim minority areas in southern Thailand as well as to those of possible attemtps to include West Malaysian settlers in projects of colonization in East Malaysia. All these examples would demand "more than mere administrative understanding and textbook resolutions if national disasters are to be avoided" (Bahrin 1973, 55).
Hanisch (1977) quotes numerous examples of disturbing delays by bureaucracy, corruption, and slow development of the necessary infrastructural facilites, which hampers the development of the colonies. The allocation of new resettlement areas can usually be set in motion only by pressure from local authorities-they too are under pressure from squatters who spontaneously penetrated cleared areas (timber concession areas) and other open land suitable for cultivation. In 1975/1976, 49 settlement projects comprised of 47,900 settler families were under the control of the DAR (Department of Agriculture) (roughly the equivalent of 1 per cent of the rural population of the Philippines). However, only 29 per cent of these families were enlisted by the government plan from the over-populated regions and brought to the new colonies (on Mindanao, Palawan, etc.). An additional 1.3 per cent entered the project from outside at their own cost, whilst 40.7 per cent were squatters already established at those sites and a further 29 per cent original native inhabitants who had received land and the new settler's status too.
According to this breakdown by Hanisch, only the first two groups, altogether around 14,500 families or 87,000 inhabitants actually received aid from the government. In the period 1960-1970, however, an estimated total of 362,000 people in fact migrated to Mindanao. The agricultural area of the Philippines grew (according to figures from the National Economic Development Agency) from 1950 to 1973 by 3-4 million ha. With an estimate of four to six ha per settler family, only about five to eight per cent of this land has gone to settlers in state directed and supported projects. The majority of new land development is credited to spontaneous clearing, a situation not very different from that in Thailand.
Recently a number of settlement projects have been covered by World Bank loans, mainly to improve the infrastructure, agricultural production, land titling and surveying, health services, and forest development. In 1977 the Philippine Ministry of Agrarian Reform (MAR) administered a total of 44 settlement schemes, with an aggregate area of 734,825 ha and 49,898 settler families.
TABLE 4. Settlement projects administered by the Ministry of Agrarian Reform
|Settlement project||Location||Area (ha)||Year||No. of settler families|
|1. Isabela plus Peredo Edcor||Echague-Angadanan-San Guillermo||8,920||1953||1,358|
|2. Quirino-Nueva Vizcaya||Maddela-Dupax||40,000||1975||674|
|3. Tarlac No. 1||Concepcion||1,112||1956||196|
|4. Tarlac No. 2 (Bagong Lipunian)||Capas & Bamban, Tarlac Botolan, Zambales||11,039||1969||1,542|
|5. Tarlac No. 3 (Sacobia)||Bamban, Tarlac Mabalacat, Pamganga||3,500||1975||464|
|6. Nueva Ecija No. 1||Pantabangan-Bongabon Maria Aurora-Dupax||9,019||1972||2,490|
|7. Nueva Ecija No. 2||Llanera||351||1975||96|
|10. Quezon No. 1 (Catanauan Edcor)||Catanauan||2,569||1968||385|
|12.Quezon No. 2||Sampaloc||760||1976||96|
|17. Negros Occidental||Cauayan-Kabankalan||33,000||1956||2,304|
|18. Negros Oriental||Sta. Catalina 14,117||1958||1,302|
|19. Leyte St. Bernard||Hununangan-San Juan||13,000||1975||785|
|Sab-a Basin, Kauswagan, Palo||1,300||1976||75|
|23.Zamboanga del Norte||Liloy-Salug-Sindangan||35,000||1962||2,343|
|24. Bukidnon||Maramag-Pangantukan Kalilanoan||35,399||1950||4,336|
|25. Agusan del Sur||Talcogon-Esperanza Sindangan||35,000||1962||2,343|
|26. Davao del Norte No. 1||Sto. Tomas: Tibal-og La Libertad||7,225||1955||970|
|27.Davao del Norte No. 2||Asuncion||8,221||1970||2,926|
|28.Lanao del Norte No. 1||Tangkal-Magsaysay||13,943||1960||1,019|
|29. Lanao del Norte No. 2(Arevalo Edcor)||Sapad||3,000||1953||139|
|30. Lanao del Norte No. 3||Nunungan-Karomatan||19,674||1975||337|
|31. Lanao del Sur No. 1||Wao||18,000||1950||4,002|
|32. Lanao del Sur No. 2||Lumba-a-Bayabao-Bubong||6,939||1973||246|
|33. Lanao del Sur No. 3||Bayang-Binidayan Pagayawan-Tuburan (Tatarican)||18,197||1975||770|
|34. North Cotabato No. 1||Carmen||100,000||1956||2,019|
|35. North Cotabato No. 2 (Genio Edcor)||Alamada||28,380||1953||899|
|Lanao del Sur No. 4||Kapai||5,500||1978||-|
|Maguindanao No. 1 (Callego Edcor)||Buldon||5,464||1953||241|
|Maguindanao No. 2(Barira Edcor)||Barira||33,000||1967||375|
|Maguindanao No. 3||Upi-Dinaig||4,268||1975||130|
|Sultan Kudarat No. 1||Columbio-Tulunan||52,468||1956||2,378|
|Sultan Kudarat No. 2||Isulan-Bagumbayan||30,000||1968||1,497|
Source: Ministry of Agriculture 1978
During the early 1980s the situation of rebellion and civil warfare grew to new dimensions. It is interfering with settlement expansion in a very dramatic way. The Muslim resistance-although still aiming for autonomy for the three to four million Islamic population in the south-seems at present to be the relatively smaller problem. It has caused tragic losses. Some sources put it up to about 60,000 casualties and around a million refugees driven from their destroyed homes.
Social and political unrest have led to a revival of the New People's Army and, moreover, a revival of the relocation of scattered squatter homesteads into new militarycontrolled "strategic hamlets." This occurred not only during the Vietnam War but also with the "emergency settlements" during the guerrilla warfare in former Malaya. Whereas this example of large-scale enforced resettlement of (originally illegal or "semi-legal") colonists in scattered holdings has become well documented and thoroughly researched history, the formation of recent Filipino "strategic hamlets" is in constant flux and besides press reports no exact figures are yet available. For the moment this new element in the processes of planned and spontaneous settlement in the Philippines can only be noted here, a full survey of the figures and structures (and the sufferings and unrest amongst the settlers too!) remains a task for the future.
One final source of clearing and new agricultural land remains and that is the rapid spread of international agro-business. Despite the ongoing civil war in certain parts of Mindanao, it is just this large island, rich in natural resources and landreserves, that has attracted a number of American, Japanese, and Filipino agrobusiness firms (including some big international concerns), which have cleared and established large areas of pineapple and banana plantations. They add considerably to the amount of newly opened land and to the provision of jobs and export income for the Philippines. On the negative side there have also been some attempts to force out squatter settlers who may happen to disturb the acquisition and organization of a continuous plantation area.
Despite the various problems and shortcomings, the statistical figures for the total growth of all cultivated land in the Philippines from 1948 to 1972 are quite remarkable (Hanisch 1977, table 4, p. 147): 3.8 million ha in 1948, 5.6 million ha in 1960, and 6.5 million ha in 1972. The harvested area rose from 4.7 million ha in 1948 to 9.4 million ha in 1972 and 10.7 million ha in 1975. The figures reveal the rapid growth of doublecropping, partly on rice land, through improved irrigation techniques (the irrigated area rose from 400,000 ha in 1948 to 958,000 ha in 1972, and since that date considerably more). The rice area increased from 2 million ha in 1948 to 3.24 million ha in 1972 and 3.6 million ha in 1979 (Palacpac 1980). There has also been an intensification through improved rotations on dry-field land. The enormous extension in total cultivated area, however, is an indication of the combined effects of planning and of spontaneous clearing of new land.
Land clearing and resettlement in Indonesia deserves serious consideration for several reasons. It is by far the region's largest and most diversified country and at the same time loaded by the most severe population problems. Over-population beyond the carrying capacity in Java, Madura, Bali, and Lombok contrasts with huge regions with an extremely sparse population. About 80 per cent of the country surface is situated within the permanently humid, inner tropical zone, but these islands are inhabited by only 30 per cent of the nation's population. This indicates already the difficulties for habitation and agriculture of these huge land reserves, which even in fairly strongly developed and populated southern Sumatra were calculated by Scholz (1980a) to contain land available for settlement and agriculture equal to about 44 per cent of its area.
Indonesia went through the longest history of a gradual replacement of the "classical" dualism in South-East Asian agriculture of wet-rice cultivation with permanent settlement on the one hand and shifting cultivation on the other.
Beginning already around the middle of the nineteenth century in Java and in Sumatra about 1910, shifting cultivation was gradually replaced by an intensive dry-land cultivation. In the humid, inner tropical zone, Sumatra, West Java, etc., it consists mainly of permanent tree and bush crops (kebun) which have been quite successful as they comprise species endemic to tropical forests (be they rain forests in the humid, inner tropical areas or monsoonal wet or dry forests of semi-humid tropical areas). Thus, the natural vegetation has been replaced by an ecologically suited, fairly similar cultural vegetative cover. This has prevented degradation of the fragile soils and secured satisfying yields. Another alternative has been the replacement of shifting cultivation by permanent dry-field rotation of annuals, applied successfully especially within the semihumid, monsoonal tropical climate, providing during its regular dry season a fallow period for restoring leached soil nutrients. This type of cultivation (tegalan) has been applied successfully in combination with the kebun type just mentioned. Tegalan yields its best results if rotations including legumes (e.g. peanuts, soya beans, etc.) have been used. Both types of land use, contrasting to the textbook stereotype that tropical forest soils have an agricultural capacity limited only to shifting cultivation, have proved to be of fundamental importance for the extension of agricultural settlement and land use in Indonesia during the last decades.
This older type of land development was followed by a further sudden expansion of farm land after the dissolution of the colonial system of land ownership around 19481950. Numerous Dutch plantations, as well as about 70 per cent of the stateowned forests from the colonial period, were settled by landless Javanese, many of whom were former plantation workers (Fryer 1970,306). Much of this happened spontaneously, although there was an official distribution of land (a total of more than 250,000 ha of former plantation land was allotted in Java and Sumatra; Roll 1971). In Java these plantations were located at an altitude above the older farming areas and raised what the Dutch called Bergcultuuren-coffee, tea, cinchona bark-which are native to the tropical mountain forest. In order to produce profitable yields on small plots of land at relatively high altitudes for the tropics, farmers grow mainly market garden crops such as cabbage, potatoes, maize, etc., which are better suited to these altitudes. This writer was able to visit newly settled villages at an altitude of 1,600-1,800 m with a retired agricultural extension worker who in 1950 had himself carried out the surveying and allotment. Settlement on the upper limits of formable land has led to a remarkable density of mountain zone colonization, as well as to a noticeable extension of the upper reach of settlements. In individual cases this upper boundary is as high as 2,100 m.
Despite this interior expansion of settlements, it became necessary even in colonial times to initiate a programme to open up new land on the sparsely settled outer islands by means of an organized transmigration (transmigrasi in Indonesian). This took place decades before the settlement projects of other states in South-East Asia. Between 1905 and the end of the colonial period, this resettlement brought a yearly average of 6,300 people from Java into the Sumatran province of Lampung, near Java (Zimmermann 1980).
The attempts to alleviate the demographic disproportion between overpopulated Java, Madura, and Bali and the sparsely inhabited outer islands certainly represents one of the most striking development problems of the entire South-East Asian archipelago (Scholz 1980a). Some figures may give an idea of the urgency of its population and land problems. The island of Java, which, together with Madura, constitutes only seven per cent of the surface area of Indonesia, contains two-thirds of the country's total population (almost one-fourth of the people of all South-East Asia). At the same time giant Kalimantan has only four per cent of the nation's inhabitants on twenty-five per cent of its area!
After independence, the Sukarno government-mobilizing heavy propaganda- attempted with modest results (in fact with many failures caused by inadequate financing) to give new impetus to Transmigrasi. Not until the 1970s did the government manage to initiate more successful colonization of new lands on the various outer islands. This effort succeeded due to the revitalization of Indonesia under the pragmatic policies of Suharto and to the greater sums of money made available from an economy strengthened by petroleum earnings. In 1972/1973 the number of transmigrants reached 50,000, meeting for the first time a 70-year-old goal. The total number of transmigrants rose to 835,000 from 1950 to 1973 (see table 5).
These figures cover the years nearly to the end of the first national development plan (Repelita 1). According to Arndt (1983) during Repelita 11 another 376,900 were resettled and during Repelita 111 1,169,000 were resettled, for a total of 1,545,900 up to 1982. Between 1905 and 1983/1984 (end of Repelita III) approximately 2.5 million people were resettled by official transmigration. This same figure, however, was the target for the five years of Repelita 111! Clearly it was too ambitious, but nearly half was accomplished. Nevertheless the figure for Repelita 111 indicates the resettlement of some 50,000-60,000 families.
TABLE 5. Transmigration areas and numbers of settlers 1905-1973
Number of settlers
|Provinces of settlement||1905-1941||1942-1945||1950-1973||1905-1973|
|2. N. Sumatra||11,426||-||10,582||22,008|
|3. W. Sumatra||1,945||-||13,150||15,095|
|7. S. Sumatra||25,153||-||146,858||172,011|
|9. W. Java||-||-||5,032||5,032|
|10. W. Kalimantan||-||-||13,824||13,824|
|11. Central Kalimantan||-||-||9,825||9,825|
|12. E. Kalimantan||164||-||21,160||21,324|
|13. S. Kalimantan||3,950||-||15,546||19,496|
|14. N. Sulawesi||-||-||6,322||6,322|
|15. Central Sulawesi||146||-||17,144||17,290|
|16. SE Sulawesi||984||-||7,291||8,275|
|17. S. Sulawesi||13,464||-||13,283||26,747|
|19. W. Nusatenggara||-||-||654||654|
|20. Irian Jaya||-||-||1,132||1,132|
Source: Zimmermann 1975
In the new plan,Repelita IV (1984-1989), again a high priority has been given to accelerating transmigration. Some 60 per cent of all the transmigrants in each of the three fiveyearplan periods have been settled in Sumatra. Kalimantan received 15-18 per cent per year during plan periods 11 and III and the trend seems to indicate a rapid rise in this share in the future. Sulawesi declined from 26 per cent in Repelita I to 12 per cent in III. The Moluccas rose to 7.1 per cent in III and Irian Jaya to 12 per cent!
Although Transmigrasi has resulted in very little noticeable population relief on Java and Bali, it has had a marked effect on the target areas for migration and new settlement. Not only have large areas of land been opened up but economic restructuring has led to an ethnic and social restructuring, which furthers "nation building" by integrating these newly settled regions more closely into the young and independent country.
Mukerjee (1980) summed up as follows: "The rationale of migration is the chance it offers to accelerate agricultural development in the outer islands with such results in mind as hastening self-sufficiency in a country with a chronic food deficit and augmenting its export surplus of lucrative tree-crops like rubber and oil-palm.
Another goal is to meet the needs of the population now drawn into new centres of industry and mining like the Asahan aluminium complex in North Sumatra or the natural gas liquefactions plant in Kalimantan." Aside from these goals, the transformation until now of more than 1 million ha of woodland into small, intensively farmed plots has had considerable geo-ecological consequences. But this transformation has brought with it, furthermore, a remarkable change in socio-ethnic relationships and in the process of land-clearing and in infrastructure development.
It will accelerate considerably the all important rice production of Indonesia and also the production of cash crops such as copra, cassava, maize, soya beans, etc., a matter of economic importance. Expectations to create many new employment opportunities in the industrial sector over the next 10-20 years, thus absorbing a significant quota of the surplus of rural labour hands in Java, are fairly limited. This again speaks for the alternative of bringing larger numbers of landless Javanese into the newly cleared, potential agricultural regions of Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi and providing them with a satisfactory existence there, even if it is clear that this measure by itself will be of only limited relief.
The argument given by Collier (1980) that successful transmigrants reach, after a few years, a much better income and a higher standard of living in their new settlement areas compared to that of a landless labourer in Java is another point in favour of transmigration, notwithstanding its limited effect in Java itself. He tries to demonstrate this by one example, which, however, seems to be a fairly extreme case because 10 children are no longer the rule. He speaks of a farmer who moved in 1970 from East Java to South Kalimantan. His father owned 4 ha in East Java, to be divided, however, between 10 children! Divided equally, it becomes obvious how little would be left for each of them. Only nine years after migrating to South Kalimantan, however, this farmer was the owner of 1.75 ha of sawah plus a small coconut plantation (Collier 1980)!
Significant for one of the central problems of this paper, however, is the little known fact that officially sponsored migration in Indonesia, too, has been supplemented by a considerable, if not much stronger, flow of voluntary, spontaneous transfers which could in time become a still larger development! This is impressively demonstrated by the following figures: out of the 45 million people living on the outer islands of Indonesia today, some 5 million are Javanese (Mukerjee 1980)! The number of those officially transferred up to now, however, is a mere 1.3 million! Sundrum (1976) reported a total of 2.37 million people moving out from Java, with a share of 1 million by official transmigration up to 1976. This figure is no longer true, as Scholz (1983) speaks of already 3 million Javanese in the province of Lampung alone! (For more details see chap. 10, this volume.)
These facts call for a clearer distinction in the use of the term "spontaneous settlement." Normally-and this is the practice throughout this book too-it is applied to movements into newly cleared areas by people not organized in any form nor relocated under government direction but acting either completely on their own initiative, frequently as pioneering squatters, or in connection with somewhat larger private undertakings. In the official Indonesian terminology, however, "spontaneous transmigration" is used for migrants not fully integrated and cared for by a transmigration project but loosely attached to it. The Ministry of Transmigration has its own "director for spontaneous transmigration" who distinguishes three types of socalled spontaneous transmigrants: (a) those who follow their relatives (into or near established schemes); (b) those who are included in the "nucleus estate system" (i.e. settlers resident in the neighbourhood of an established plantation that extends its agriculture into marginal smallholdings engaged in the same production and recipient of technical advice and possibilities to join processing, marketing, etc., with the "nucleus estate"); (c) those whose transport is paid by the region of origin while the remaining implementation is financed by the government of the transmigration area (Fasbender, Kopp, and Nurut 1981,31).
Clearly there exists considerable genuine spontaneous settlement (or squatting) in Indonesia too, but one should carefully distinguish this from the semi-official spontaneous transmigration in which settlers are incorporated or "drawn" into the purview of state-directed transmigration schemes. Genuine spontaneous settlement or squatter pioneering, clearing, and settling surpasses in volume the official schemes. Recent examples are given for example by Scholz (1982) from Sumatra's northernmost province of Aceh. There former plantation workers who had migrated from Java to Sumatra long before are the driving force behind the spontaneous clearing of new lands. The most extreme case, however, is found in the southern-most province of Lampung, which is steadily being filled by Javanese immigrants to a point far beyond the original official transmigration into this area.
Spontaneous migration and settlement between islands and over great distances has a long history. At first this migration was carried out by some of the very mobile ethnic groups (especially the sea-faring peoples) who had traditionally gone to sea and settled along the coasts before the modern period of land development. These people include the Bugis and Makassarese (from South Sulawesi), the Bajaus (a Malaysian sea-faring people), the Banjarese (South Kalimantan), and the Madurese. Notably the Bugis and the Banjarese have established themselves remarkably in the deltas of the InderagiriBatanghari and the Musi rivers of eastern Sumatra and created the new type of tidal-rice cultivation (sawah pasang surut) which is of growing significance today and has been applied in official transmigration schemes with the aid of technical canal construction (Scholz 1983).
With regard to the question of state-directed versus spontaneous settlement in Indonesia it is interesting to note that a recent survey by Scholz (1983,143) arrives at the amazing figure of some 100,000 Javanese entering each year the neighbouring Sumatran province of Lampung on their own initiative. Seasonal workers return to Java, but many try to establish themselves permanently.
Besides the ethnic problems one cannot forget the difficulties of transferring substantial population groups from their native regions into quite different territories. The differences are not only social and cultural but also include the change from the tropical monsoon climate of Java or Bali with marked wet and dry seasons to the permanent humid equatorial climate of Sumatra, or from highly-developed, traditionrich and densely populated cultural landscapes to the swampy tropical rain forests of Sumatra or Kalimantan.
Mukerjee (1980) points to some of the difficulties facing the transmigrants:
Much of the interior of the outlying islands is in many ways terra incognita because soil characteristics, weather and ecology have still to be explored in detail. Some of the failures are due to this lack, resulting in the collapse of farming plans in the face of nature's backlash.... Given the basis on which settlers are selected-two-thirds from the poorest rural stratum, 10 per cent from urban homeless-and soon most villages will have few farmers with the know-how and the experience needed.... The new villages will also be short of nonagricultural skills. In theory, artisans are to constitute 10 per cent of each settler group, but in practice few skilled people are willing to migrate.... Starting from scratch in the wilderness far from markets, their costs are high and their returns low, allowing them little scope for investing on yieldraising inputs like better seeds and fertilizers. In other words, they are pretty much stuck at a subsistence level, and breaking out is not going to be easy.
In the last few years the difficult (even spartan) phase of initial settlement has become more tolerable, though it is still hardly satisfactory. Particularly after national independence newly transplanted settlers were brought into the virgin forest under primitive conditions and with inadequate equipment. Pelzer (1945) had already recongized that in modern times it is neither economically sensible nor socially responsible to shut up one or two generations of transmigrants in the forests as landclearing pioneers until the cleared land is eventually consolidated.
The political and economic stabilization of Indonesia has increased the possibilities for a thorough preparation of new settlement land, through state investment, mechanized land-clearing, and infrastructural organization. This also means providing the settlers with the necessary assistance, tools and instructions, seedlings, pesticides, etc. It even means improving the troublesome sea transport through the use of aircraft. Incidentally, this would give the settlers more opportunities to visit their old homelands; not too many years ago transmigration meant usually farewell to the old homelands forever, considering Indonesia's great distances. With easy access by road this is much less a problem in Malaysia or Thailand.
In the preceding the question of the feasibility of clearing tropical forest soils and taking them into permanent dry-land cultivation was touched upon. Most scholars concerned with tropical regions will have been brought up with the textbook stereotype of the classical dualism between permanently cropped, naturally or artificially irrigated wet-rice lands and, alternatively, shifting cultivation on forest soils. Historically these two have constituted the prevailing land-use systems of South East Asia and regionally they still do. Gradually the pressure for more food and also for various cash crops other than rice has changed, or rather extended, that structure; apart from plantation agriculture (mainly tree crops, ecologically well adapted to tropical forest soils), various kinds of dry-land cultivation, including more and more annuals, have emerged on small farms, too.
On a larger scale, recent pioneer settlement into vast areas of forest land is extending nowadays with similar types of tropical agriculture over many parts of South-East Asia. Obviously this contradicts the classical experience and the argumeets against shifting cultivation, which are based on the rapid impoverishment of tropical forest soils after replacing the forest canopy by annual field crops. Whereas normally the reversion of shifting cultivation land after one to three years of cropping into bush fallow (secondary forest) for a period of about eight to fifteen years is regarded as essential to restore the nutrients of the soil (and the man-induced imperata cylindrica savannas appeared to be the irreversible climax vegetation after a degradation of the forests and the soil), the new pioneer farmers seem to have established themselves quite successfully with various types of permanent dry-land crops, frequently on non-volcanic soils too. Annual crops predominate in the monsoonal, perennials in the humid tropics.
Why this should be possible in contrast to former experiences with shifting cultivation and despite a number of scientific arguments underlining the ecological handicaps of the tropics (Weischet 1977) is still not yet clear.
Soil fertility in tropical forest areas depends mainly on three factors (Weischet 1977): (a) the residual mineral contents, i.e. calcium, magnesium, potassium, phosphate, and sodium; (b) the property of organic matter (upper soil layers) incorporated into the nutrient cycle of crops; and (c) the cation-exchange capacity, a measure of the ability to preserve plant nutrients by accumulating them for some time within certain soil structures for subsequent release to the roots or soil solution to nourish the plants.
For tropical soils the capacity of these factors, or the possibility to manipulate them by fertilizers, is decisive for fertility. According to Weischet (1977) the high degree of chemical weathering in the humid inner tropics causes ferriallitic soils which retain little residual mineral content and show a limited capacity for the exchange of cations. This condition would not be sufficient for an intensely practised, permanent cultivation of annual upland crops. Traditional shifting cultivation, however, or similar land rotations with bush fallow might be feasible. The ferriallitic soils in dryer parts of the tropics (e.g. fully developed in dry tropical savannas) appear to be more favourable. Reduced effects of weathering results in a somewhat higher potential of fertility (and consequently higher densities of land use and population). It has still to be proved to what extent this applies to the climatic conditions of the South-East Asian tropical monsoon countries, with a marked dry season, yet with sufficient moisture being accumulated during the rainy season (5.6-8 humid and 4.4-6.5 "arid" months in our study areas of SE Thailand, but fairly similar conditions prevailing over large tracts of mainland SE Asia and of Central and East Java, the Lesser Sundas, and the western Philippines).
Some aspects of successful dry-field cultivation are touched upon in this paper, for example the positive Indonesian experiences with multiple dry-land cropping systems and rotations and some others using soil analysis from the areas of the two case studies in south-east Thailand. Apart from the more favourable conditions of the monsoon tropics as compared to the permanently wet inner tropics, two observations may be of importance. First, the deterioration of certain tropical forest soils seems to be less disturbing under application of deep ploughing by tractor (a similar effect was obtained on small plots under very intensive and deep cultivation with hand-tools). This helps in the elimination of the tremendous competition of remaining roots and tubers, weeds, and bushes under shifting cultivation which absorb much of the nutrients and prevent further cultivation with traditional tools, due to their heavy root systems, once they have established themselves in the form of a grass savannas (Imperata cylindrica et al.) If the intruders are fully eliminated by deep ploughing, dry-field crops can be grown successfully. Moreover a considerable degree of mineral nutrients will be recovered (or gained from hitherto untouched lower soil layers) this way.
Second, in regions of the monsoon tropics with a regular alternation between five to eight humid and an equivalent number of dry months, the evaporation of the soil moisture during the dry months may carry to the surface layers ("ascension") parts of those nutrients which had been washed down into deeper strata during the rainy season (resemblant to the two-field fallow system of agriculture in the mediterranean countries!). Both deep ploughing and the possibility of a return of soil fertility through ascension may at least ease the problem in regions under a periodically changing wet and dry tropical climate.
And yet, though continuous tractor ploughing through many years may show a remarkable success in the first three to five years, especially after a full clearing from the soil of all remaining roots, stumps, tubers, etc., within five to ten years a decrease in yield may occur, caused by the loss of soil nutrients (especially if not counterbalanced by fertilizer application) and by severe rill and gully erosion. This happens especially on steeper slopes, which can be ploughed only in a down-hill direction. Besides direct soil erosion this may lead to landslides and thus the complete loss of considerable agricultural land. Riethmuller (chap. 5 this volume) offers some relevant examples from the mountains west of the Mae Nam Pa Sak valley (Phetchabun, Thailand).
The distinction between monsoonal and permanently humid tropics cannot be emphasized strongly enough. The former show quite good results under dry-land cultivation of annuals, provided a proper crop rotation is observed, as the tegalan dry fields of Java or the Philippines (including dry-land rice in permanent arable rotations) clearly demonstrate. The humid inner tropical zone should preferably be planted with tree and bush crops for continuous cultivation, using species endemic to the tropical forest or introduced from similar areas of other continents, as described by Weischet (1977) and others.
Acid, swampy, or highly podsolic soils under tropical rain forest, widespread for example in large parts of Kalimantan, are ill-suited to agricultural use, as revealed again by the extremely small percentage of potential agricultural lands uncovered by the recent surveys of East and West Kalimantan. Although of a similar climate Sumatra, having larger soil areas derived fully or partly from volcanic ashes, seems to be better off. As shown by Scholz (1982) and others, recent forms of spontaneous settlement for permanent cultivation are spreading into areas there of tropical rain forest, which, traditionally, was thought to allow for no more than shifting cultivation by dibble accompanied by long phases of regeneration under secondary forest after one or two crops at the most.
Klempin (1978:2) in his discussion of state-directed settlements on new land in Thailand (i.e. land requiring forest clearing before cultivation), raises the issue of state-directed versus spontaneous land settlement and compares the advantages and disadvantages of both types of settlement, drawing upon the experiences of other authors or project leaders. Together with comments based on our own experiences from current investigations, a list of the pros and cons follows.
Advantages of Directed Land Settlement
1. State-directed settlements serve the public interest more than others
2. They permit better protection of natural resources from uncontrolled exploitation
3. They allow for the selection of settlers from sections of society which corresponds to national development aims with respect to distribution of work places, economic circumstances of incomes, and security policies.
4. The settlers pay greater attention to instructions from and rules of the authorities
5. This type of settlement affords better opportunity to learn from trial and error
6. It promises a higher degree of integrated development
Disadvantages of Directed Land Settlement
1. High public costs
2. Susceptibility to political manipulation, to lack of continuity of direction, and to poor administration
3. Little flexibility
4. Reluctant repayment of credits
5. Irregularities or deviations in the allotment of resources or on the other hand standardized farm sizes without regard to differences in soil
The list reveals the seasoned practitioner, and Klempin did indeed run the Sara Buri project for several years; this author is largely in agreement but for point 5 under "advantages," "better opportunity to learn from trial and error," which would seem to be far truer in the case of spontaneous land clearances, even if there is a greater chance of abandonment subsequent to degradation of a field instead of an improved second attempt.
Advantages of Spontaneous Settlement
1. Lesser expenditure of public means
2. Smoother absorption of population growth
3. Higher proportion of experienced farmers and entrepreneurs
4. Better attitude among settlers in spite of the lack of capital and small administration capacity
Disadvantages of Spontaneous Settlement
1. Waste or destruction of natural resources (especially forests)
2. Extension of subsistence agriculture
3. Stagnation of technology at a low level
4. Low credit worthiness in international financing
Though in agreement with points 1 and 4 our experiences require some differentiation of the consequences of points 2 and 3. In the areas under investigation subsistence economy played only a subordinate role since the majority of even the small-scale settlers plant their crops with an eye to their commercial salability (particularly in the cases of maize and cassava), while products for home consumption (like dry upland rice, spices, etc.) were either given limited space or were not cultivated at all, but instead purchased. At the same time some subsistence agriculture was in evidence, especially where it is a matter of marginal additional cultivation (for example, dry upland rice in the vicinity of wet-rice areas where farm sizes are very small and there are high proportions of landless people) or among the meanest existences of the pioneer settlers; according to our experience, however, it is only a small percentage. Still less correct is the suggestion of subsistence economy being practiced among those quantitatively difficult to assess, that is, the large number of agriculturally progressive farmers whose cultivated areas in the new clearances produce exclusively for the market and, what is more, for export!
The objections to point 3, stagnation of technology, are to be seen in the same context. They too have to be restricted to the really destitute pioneers, whereas all the clearance and cultivated areas of the entrepreneurs, and even of the somewhat more successful farmers, especially when planted in maize and cassava (not to mention the already consolidated sugar-cane and pineapple plantations), are cultivated using modern technical means; particularly note the rapidly increasing usage of tractors. The small, new, central areas are greatly in evidence of tractor owners, tractor workshops, and tractor-hire firms. Here the tractor owners work their own largish farms with modern technical equipment and, at the same time, carry out contract ploughing, cultivating the fields of the smaller farmers who increasingly recognize the financial effort as more rational than the expenditure of time and energy in traditional ploughing or even hoeing-in most cases the new settlers have few, if any, draught animals-which would in any case be unable to achieve the deep working through which appears to be favourable for the permanent utilization of the tropical forest soils. Of course, one has to grant the fact that usually a very partial selection of techniques is applied-ones which have already been well proved in practice-whereas settlements which are subsidized by the state undoubtedly offer rather more room for experiments.
In conclusion a number of controversial questions are raised concerning an evaluation of the two forms of clearing and settling:
1. Which form achieves higher productivity and efficiency for agricultural production?
2. Which one shows greater readiness to accept innovations and is quicker to realize them?
3. Which one displays the more balanced growth?
4. Which form contributes more to the national aims of a meaningful distribution of jobs and incomes?
Again, our experiences lead us to believe the answers are varied. Regarding each of the four questions, directed land settlement essentially depends upon equipment and infrastructure (besides integrity and efficiency of the executive organs). Striking examples may be found in the differences (and corresponding successes) among the Indonesian Transmigrasi-especially in their earlier pioneer-like phases as described in Pelzer (1945)-and in the Malaysian FELDA settlements with their very well-developed infrastructure and huge investments, matched by an accordingly faster and fuller improvement in the settlers' conditions and a production oriented towards a world economy. The question, however. remains: How profitable, measured by economic standards, are highly subsidized clearance schemes compared with the yields of rationalized large-scale plantations? From the viewpoint of reasons of state this is of secondary importance since, apart from their economic aspects, settlements and the opening up of land are part of a comprehensive bundle of social, demographic, and political aims. A comparison of the efficiency of Transmigrasi (especially in former years, whereas recent developments reveal greater investments and a remarkable improvement in efficiency) with that of FELDA will also have to consider that the Indonesian programme, though idealistic, has until now been only partly successful, for having to operate with modest means and over great interisland distances as well as natural and human geographical differences, whereas the state-directed programmes in Malaysia have been favoured by the immediate contiguity of large land resources and relatively light population pressure and supported by massive investments and a high degree of organizational effort; their economic efficiency appears to be favourable but their social and political effects will only become evaluative in the more distant future.
It is worthwhile quoting from Collier's (1980) discussion of similar questions with regard to the reclamation and settlement of swamp lands for new wet-rice sawahs and combined cropping systems of rice cum coconut cultivation: "If we compare the government sponsored migrants with the spontaneous migrants in the swampy land of Kalimantan, the income and the welfare of the spontaneous migrants is considerably higher than that of the transmigrants. Of course, natural selection among the spontaneous migrants means that the best have survived and prospered which has not occurred among the transmigrants."
In Thailand, the dualism of planned and spontaneous clearance has developed in the free interplay of forces, among which the former is bound to produce the socially and politically more favourable effects.
A true pioneer settlement type (Khorat escarpment, Km 79 area) contrasts with the Chon Buri hinterland, which has been characterized by massive inputs by entrepreneurs of (mainly Chinese) capital investment, larger farming units, specialized production and immediate processing, and a more expressed social stratification. The experiences in favour of or against spontaneous colonization cover a wide range.
There are merits to a highly enterprising and innovative, export-oriented modern agriculture in large as well as in medium-sized farms, partly connected to new agroindustries like sugar mills, pineapple processing, etc., but there is also a clear disregard of forestry interests. The latter may be infringed upon by the tendency to expand continuously the larger holdings or by a re-emerging shifting cultivation on ecologically valuable patches of forest remaining on hilltops and in watersheds practiced by smaller settlers and labourers to earn extra income or supplement their food.
Class differentiation has grown and now paid labourers and smallholders face a class of large entrepreneurs with additional incomes from trade and industry. This has disrupted the former social homogenity of the Chinese ethnic minority, which grew from immigrant wage-earners. However it is the dependent Thai labourers who suffer still more from the rapid rise of a Chinese upper class. Thus incomegroup conflicts could well grow into ethnic conflicts! Increasing mechanization accompanied by the loss of jobs and yet an increase in productivity may alienate the groups from each other. Large-sized farms have proved most productive, especially for sugar-cane. Ownerfarmers invest their profits in labour-saving measures whilst traders who own farms tend to speculate with their capital. Farmers' innovations aim at intensification and improvement. Traders and entrepreneurs tend to experiment with new crops, cattleranching, etc., sometimes without proper consideration of ecological conditions. If experiments fail, this group are prepared to quickly sell the farms.
Clearly the risks with regard to ecological responsibility, social justice, or even law and order, and political conflicts will be greater in spontaneous pioneering. Examples of a serious dependence of settlers on traders and middlemen, for example in the maizegrowing region of the Khorat escarpment, cannot be denied. Likewise the gradual alleviation of the indebtedness of many small farmers by the organization of cooperatives and marketing organizations, sometimes successful in well-conducted settlement schemes, is lacking in most spontaneously cleared regions. .
A certain degree of government control or, better, of government support should ease this. The main advantage of spontaneous land settlement is the incentive given by the chance to freely invest initiatives, means, and hard work with the goal of establishing a promising economy and habitat as soon as possible without being hampered by bureaucracy and various restrictions.
There are many cases of new, prospering agro-economies and of newly opened regions which offer promising prospects for pioneers at various socio-economic levels as well as valuable diversification and extension for national economies too.
In any case most of the (originally partly illegal) clearings and settlements will be more or less irreversible. In the interests of political stability, economic prosperity and development a realistic recognition of the situation by government on all levels of administration is called for. All possible support through development of a sufficient infrastructure, creation of improved security, and the provision of appropriate property rights should be given in the national and socio-economic interests. This certainly should include efficient controls against social injustice and further ecological damage. A clear division of protected and managed forest reserves from de facto agriculturally utilized areas should be an important aim. Preventing spontaneous pioneering, however, under the prevailing pressure of population surplus, land-hunger, and the persisting predominance of agriculture in the national economies would only be feasible if government-directed settlement were to be accelerated to such speed and raised to such a standard of efficiency and attractiveness that the desirability of spontaneous pioneering would be surpassed by obviously better chances!
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