Cover Image
close this bookEthnicity and Power in the Contemporary World (UNU, 1996, 298 pages)
close this folder10. Ethnic conflict, federalism, and democracy in India
View the document(introductory text...)
View the documentIndia's ethnic spectrum
View the documentPotential for conflicts and their protraction
View the documentSimultaneous conflict formation and conflict containment
View the documentDynamics of development
View the documentFederalism
View the documentDemocratic politics
View the documentConclusion

Simultaneous conflict formation and conflict containment

The inconsistent and reversible processes of ethnic conflicts can be understood in the context of India's developmental dynamics, which have been releasing simultaneously the impulses of both conflict formation and containment. Both the alienation and integration of ethnic groups have been going on side by side, a process which Arun Bose describes as "Disintegration and Reintegration."10

Looking at the politics of ethnicity in South Asia with reference to developmental dynamics, either of the two trends can be emphasized. On the one hand, Asaf Husain presupposed that "successful national integration would cut across structures," while on the other hand, Paul Brass highlighted a "process of nationality formation rather than state-building."11 The reality is that both these views are tenable since one "does not preclude the bother."12 It is this dual character of social development which prompts David Washbrook to say that "the politics of ethnicity have been remarkably ineffective in directing the course of modern Indian history,"13 although many may seriously question this categorical assertion.

The fact that the sharpening of ethnic boundaries and conflicts in India has been on the rise cannot be disputed. Studies have shown an increase in communal riots, and the rise in the number of persons killed in these riots has become alarming since 1985, as can be seen from official data:14

Year

Communal incidents

Persons killed

Persons injured

1955

75

24

475

1965

173

34

758

1975

205

33

890

1985

525

328

3,665

In 1985, rural areas which thus far had remained unaffected also accounted for 46 per cent of communal incidents. The momentum in communal violence has kept up in recent years. In 1989 there were 18 major riots, in which 1,174 persons were killed. The number of persons killed in 1986 was 418; 383 were killed in 1987, 223 in 1988, and 693 in 1990.15 One of the major factors behind the deterioration in the communal situation is the rise of Hindu fundamentalism and its corresponding majoritarian ethnic nationalism based on Hindutva. The temple-mosque conflict in Ayodhya was a concrete manifestation of this.16 Political vested interests have obviously played a decisive role in this development, which if allowed to go on unabated will worsen the situation and endanger India's unity and integrity.17

As for the persistent and festering ethnic conflicts in the Punjab, Kashmir, and Assam, we have already noted that they have intensified and the extent of violence has grown. Even the character of these insurgencies, in terms of their objectives, ideologies, leadership, and methods, is becoming more strident and uncompromising. The growing violent activities of Sikh militants in the Teral region of Uttar Pradesh have become a matter of serious concern. In addition to this, other potential ethnic conflicts such as in Jharkand and the Nepali/Gurkha communities are reportedly gathering political momentum.18 In the north-eastern tribal areas, the Naga National Council (NNC) has decided to take up arms and coordinate its activities with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN). The tribal situation in Manipur, Tripura, and Mizoran is also moving fast towards the boil. 19

No less significant than this process of disintegration and conflict have been the forces of integration and mutual identification of diverse ethnic and cultural streams. We have noted earlier that the basis of the integrative process is India's composite culture, expressed in the form of secular national identity. Indian secularism did not evolve on the pattern of European secularism, which strove to detach the spiritual from the temporal. In India, all religions were accepted on an equal footing. The state gave equal rights to all religious and ethnic groups so that they could protect and promote their educational and cultural interests, by virtue of the Indian Constitution (arts. 2630). (An exception was made for scheduled castes and tribes, which were brought under the umbrella of "protective discrimination," according to Part X, arts. 30, 46, 244, 244A, and 335 of the Indian Constitution.) This secular identity was not an imposition by the state on society but a recognition of a deep-rooted social reality- that erosion of this identity would mean the disintegration of India along sectarian lines. Hence, firm constitutional provisions were made to preserve secular identity. In a way, they were necessary, owing to the trauma of India's partition.

To have a better appreciation of the dual process of integration and alienation of ethnic and national groups/identities - that is, the simultaneous occurrence of ethnic conflict formation and containment, we must look more closely at India's developmental dynamics, federalism, and democracy.