
| Better Health in Africa: Experience and Lessons Learned (WB, 1994, 260 p.) |
| Chapter 7 - Infrastructure and equipment |
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THOUSANDS of vehicles-and buildings and a wide range of sophisticated equipment (much of it imported) are used each day in Africa for health purposes. As populations grow, new buildings, vehicles, and equipment will be needed. If funds for this infrastructure and equipment are allocated inefficiently or inequitably or are poorly used, the delivery of health services will be severely impaired. The challenge facing the public sector is particularly immense because most African governments are heavily involved in building, operating, and maintaining health facilities. Many Sub-Saharan countries, and especially poorer ones with low population densities, face high infrastructure costs. In the Sahel countries, for example, construction costs are estimated to be double or even more than those in other African countries.
The next section of this chapter discusses the status of Africa's health infrastructure and equipment Three problems dominate: insufficient maintenance, inappropriate and insufficient expansion, and poor planning. This review of the current situation makes it possible to determine what is missing and what health system reforms are needed to improve the planning and management of physical facilities devoted to health purposes.
Existing health facilities in many African countries have deteriorated in recent years. A study in Tanzania found that only 660 out of 1,800 rural government dispensaries were in good condition, while 810 were in fair and 330 were in bad condition. A 1990-91 survey of fifteen hospitals operated by the Kenya Ministry of Health found that 40 percent of the buildings were in poor or unsatisfactory condition (Porter 1992). Some hospitals, such as the Tres de Agosto Hospital in Guinea-Bissau, have crumbled beyond the point of repair. Equatorial Guinea has an extensive network of health facilities in most cities and small towns, but they will need major repairs to make. them usable. And in countries such as Angola. Mozambique, Somalia, and Sudan, numerous health structures have been severely damaged by civil war.
Health equipment has also fallen into disrepair. In Nigeria, for example, one study (Erinosho 1991) found that close to one-third of the equipment in a series of health care institutions was not being used. In general, the more sophisticated the health care facility, the more equipment was out of use, and the longer it was out of service (Table 7-1). Studies of secondary hospitals in Nigeria carried out in 1992 suggest that equipment worth around $47 million (out of a total of $150 million) would require repairs, and that another $35 million is needed for reinvestment in essential items (Porter 1992). Studies of thirteen Ministry of Health hospitals in Kenya found 40 percent of all their equipment out of order and 40 percent of operating room equipment in need of repair (Porter 1992). A 1987 survey of seventeen hospitals in Uganda found that only 20 percent of inventoried equipment was in working order, while only about a third of the remaining 80 percent w as worth repairing (Porter 1992).
The use of vehicles in the health sector has been greatly restricted by short-ages of fuel, lack of maintenance, and repairs. A 1987 inventory of 660 Ministry of Health vehicles in Ghana found that 167 were roadworthy, 230 needed extensive repair, and 263 were worthless. In Guinea-Bissau, 42 percent of the Ministry of Health's vehicles were inoperable in 1990. This was not unexpected, since the ministry's vehicle maintenance program had ended in 1986.
Table 7- 1 Health Care Equipment Not In Service in Nigeria, 1987 (percent)
|
Item |
University teaching hospitals |
State-owned hospitals |
Non- government hospitals |
Primary health centers |
Total |
|
Pieces in use |
69 |
57 |
78 |
90 |
70 |
|
Pieces out of order |
3 1 |
43 |
23 |
10 |
30 |
|
Share of equipment out of order for given duration | |||||
|
<2 years |
19 |
22 |
33 |
40 |
20 |
|
2-4 years |
40 |
24 |
67 |
60 |
38 |
|
>4 years |
41 |
54 |
- |
- |
42 |
- Not available
Source: Erinosho 1991.
Africa's tertiary hospitals have not escaped decline either. A report on Queen Elizabeth Hospital in Lesotho found that its buildings were in poor physical condition and that it had other problems, including shortages of basic equipment, lack of maintenance capability, uneven distribution of work loads, weak planning, little staff development and supervision, and poor financial management
Underfinancing of maintenance and repairs-virtually universal among African health facilities-is particularly apparent in public sector facilities. A study in one of Nigeria's states found that public hospitals and maternity clinics spent only 5 to 8 percent of their budgets on non personnel items, such as maintenance, transport, and supplies, compared with private sector spending of-17 to 18 percent on such items, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, the budget for preventive maintenance of health facilities in the late 1980s was less than 1 percent of what should have been spent In Guinea-Bissau, the total Ministry of Health budget allocation for preventive and routine maintenance in 1989 was a mere $5,000. A study of six district hospitals in Malawi found that an average of only 1.5 percent of recurrent expenditures was devoted to building maintenance and 0.2 percent to equipment maintenance in 1987-88 (Mills 1991). The maintenance problem is frequently complicated by division of responsibility because building maintenance is often the responsibility of other ministries.
The low priority given to training people in maintenance and repair further exacerbates the deterioration of physical infrastructure. In Senegal, civil service personnel assigned to maintenance do not perform adequately because suitable skills and appropriate supervision are lacking. In Zimbabwe, equipment maintenance personnel are in desperately short supply, and of all categories of workers employed by the Ministry of health, the highest vacancy rate in 1990 was for medical equipment technicians. The same factors that have caused poor maintenance have made it difficult. for African countries to expand the health sector infrastructure. Assuming that one health center serves about 5,000 people, for example, Mali will need to increase the number of its health centers by 242 in the 1990s. This is nearly five times the actual increase of fifty-two during the 1980s (Table 7-2). Other countries face similar challenges. In Tanzania, population growth has led to a gradual decrease in health coverage.
Some countries, however, have strongly promoted expansion of health facilities at levels below the national level:
- Botswana has given special attention to improving its infrastructure at the lowest levels. The number of clinics grew from 40 in 1974 to 150 in 1986, while health posts grew from 22 in 1974 to 227 in 1986. Over the same period in Botswana, the number of district hospitals increased by less than 10 percent
- In mainland Tanzania, the number of dispensaries rose from 1,847 in 1976 to 2,600 in 1980 and 2,935 in 1988
- In Mozambique, the number of "primary facilities" (the equivalent of health centers) rose from 326 in 1975 to 1,195 in 1985. Similarly, the number of district hospitals rose from 120 in 1975 to 221 in 1985.
Table 7-2. The Growth of Health Centers in Selected African Countries and the Challenge Ahead number of centers)
| |
Actual number |
Number needed in 2000 | ||
| |
1990 |
1990 |
To maintain 1990 coverage |
To reach 60 percent coverage |
|
Burkina Faso |
169 |
860 |
1,100 |
1,400 |
|
Mali |
470 |
522 |
760 |
1,300 |
|
Niger |
240 |
460 |
630 |
1,270 |
|
Senegal |
470 |
690 |
900 |
1,200 |
Source: World Bank 1992a.
For the most part, however, governments have made the funding of tertiary and other inpatient facilities their leading infrastructural priority. In Ethiopia the number of people per hospital bed fell from 3,500 in 1970 to 3,400 in 1980, and in Rwanda from nearly 800 in 1970 to (450 in 1980. STomnd Principe enjoys one of the highest ratios of hospital beds to population in the developing world. In 1990 that small African country had roughly one hospital bed for every 190 people, which was twice as in Nigeria and nearly three times as high as in Colombia. These accomplishments have come at a high price, tend to be concentrated in urban areas (Table 7-3), and provide disproportionate benefits to relatively well-to-do households.
Poor infrastructure planning is evident in the location of health facilities, in uncoordinated community initiatives for facility expansion and in weaknesses m project design and execution. In Guinea-Bissau, for example, one region has more than five times the number of hospital beds per person found in another, more populated region. In Burundi, the population served by health, centers varies from 870 to more than 17,000, with a mean of around 2,500. Even in Tanzania, where a special effort has been made to achieve equity in the health sector, a sample of primary cam facilities in 1984 revealed that some dispensaries served only about 1,500 people, compared with the target of 6,500, while others were expected to serve populations many times larger than the target figure.
Table 7-3. Percentage of Population with Access to Health Care Facilities, Selected African Countries, Late 1980s
|
Country |
Urban |
Rural |
|
Botswana |
90 |
85 |
|
Burkina Faso |
5 1 |
48 |
|
Congo |
97 |
70 |
|
Gabon |
97 |
70 |
|
Ghana |
92 |
.45 |
|
Kenya |
80 |
53 |
|
Liberia |
50 |
30 |
|
Mauritius |
99. |
99 |
|
Nigeria |
87 |
62 |
|
Rwanda |
60 |
25. |
|
Somalia |
50 |
15 |
|
Tanzania |
94 |
73 |
|
Togo |
60 |
60 |
|
Zaire |
40 |
17 |
|
Zimbabwe |
90 |
so |
Source: Statistical appendix in this volume
Poor planning is particularly apparent in imbalances between urban and rural areas. A study of rural health stations in Ethiopia in 1985-86 found that they served only sixteen patients per day, many fewer than the ninety to 100 anticipated, and concluded that improper location of the facilities was responsible. Another study (Kloos 1990) found that more optimal location of maternal and child health facilities in rural Nigeria would have increased coverage by 20 percent In the fifteen African countries -for which data on the matter are available, six are countries where less than 50 percent of the rural population has access to health care facilities. In seven of the countries, however, 90 percent or more of the urban population had access to health facilities in the same, period (Table 7-3).
Lack of coordination between the public sector and nongovernment providers has complicated matters because decisions on the location of public sector facilities need to take into account the planning of the nongovernment providers. In Uganda, church missions have built clinics to meet the needs of the population in rural areas. Governments ran build on, or complement, such networks.
Lack of coordination between government officials and community leaders is another manifestation of weak planning. In a number of African countries, health centers have been built by communities with the understanding that public authorities would operate them, but adequate resources have seldom been set aside for that purpose. In Mauritania, where community participation was encouraged by the government, health posts were built at random locations by local communities. In some regions, the proliferation of health posts has resulted in shortages of personnel and material resources. Financial and other constraints have frequently prevented the government from assuming responsibility for operations at health centers and have made local communities, cynical about the national government.
Poor project design and execution are another. Manifestation of weak infrastructure planning. A wide range of construction standards and methodologies, combined with a lack of norms, has led to oversized facilities, substandard construction, and high unit costs. Unit construction costs for almost identical health centers in Mali in the late 1980s, for example, varied by a factor of four (World Bank 1992a). Construction costs in the Sahel countries range from $750 to $1,200 per square meter for primary care facilities, compared with $350 to $450 per square meter in other African countries (Porter 1992). In the absence of norms for designing catchment areas, national officials responsible for planning health sector construction have often been unable to identify the type and size of infrastructure needed to provide-health services to local communities. Renewing Health Sector Infrastructure and Equipment Physical proximity to health care facilities is only the be inning of effective health care coverage. A facility that is near people's homes will have little value if it lacks basic equipment In many African. countries this problem has arisen partly because plans were made to construct new facilities before determining whether the money was available to operate them. Some of these problems can be resolved by charging fees and making improvements in the quality of care, at lower level facilities. What remains critical, however, is to improve infrastructure planning, selection of equipment, and equipment maintenance.
Cost-effective allocations of financial resources for infrastructure and equipment tend to be those that give priority to rehabilitation over new investment, and to health centers and district hospitals instead of tertiary facilities, as discussed in Chapter 4.
Rehabilitation needs are widespread, but effective rehabilitation requires careful analysis of existing investments and a clear ranking of priorities compatible with a commitment to preventive and primary health care and to cost-effective-interventions. Mali, for example, has begun to establish a foundation for this kind of analysis through the creation of a data. bank on existing infrastructure, equipment, and associated health care services that will be available to local health administrators.
Norms, skills, and procedures for determining where to build health facilities and for the maintenance of buildings, equipment, and vehicles also need to be established and carefully monitored. The norms should cover actual maintenance work- as well as its Financing, and should apply to nongovernment as well as public sector facilities. As a general rule, African countries should expect to spend between 2 and 3 percent of the replacement cost of health centers and hospital buildings on maintenance annually. A detailed study of Kenya, for example, led to an estimate of 2.6 percent (Porter 1992). Specific standards on spending for equipment maintenance, repair, and replacement are also needed. It has been suggested as a rule of thumb that a sum equivalent to 20 percent of the value of existing stock should be allocated annually to maintenance, repair, and replacement (Bloom and Temple-Bird 1988). Another way to look at the issue is in terms of the recurrent expenditures of operations. As a general rule, around 10 to 15 percent of recurrent costs will be required to maintain a first-referral hospital (Barnum and Kutzin 1993).
Standardized lists of the equipment used in the various types of health care facilities are also needed, along with norms for maintenance and repair. WHO has prepared such norms in a number of related areas, such as the estimated annual cost of maintaining specific types of medical equipment as a percentage of their capital cost (Kleczkowski and Pipbouleau 1983) Ghana is planning to set up a hospital equipment maintenance service with workshops, equipment and tools, vehicles, spare parts, and training programs. Mozambique is establishing a national network of health facility and equipment maintenance centers. The experience of nongovernment partners is often relevant (Box 7-1).
When health center facilities and equipment are well managed, local communities tend to be involved. The basic principle underlying this arrangement is that facilities planned without the active participation of beneficiaries will, at best, be viewed with indifference. If appropriately planned, partnerships constitute a powerful instrument for promoting local initiatives and strengthening management through a sense of ownership. As part of a World Bank-financed health and population project in Mali, for example, a cost-sharing formula (50 percent government and 50 percent local communities) is supporting construction and planned maintenance of 120 community health centers during a five-year period.
The management of tertiary-level health facilities (meaning mostly major urban hospitals) merits special attention. Improving efficiency at such facilities without increasing their budget allocations in real, or even nominal, terms would be highly desirable. Management audits can lead to the establishment of specific targets for efficiency gains. At the Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi, for example, the performance targets include reducing the average length of an inpatient's period of hospitalization from 8.6 days in 1989-90 to 7.1 days in 1995-96, a reduction in staff from 5.4 to 4.0 per 1,000 patient days, and an increase in the ratio of maintenance to total recurrent expenditures from 2.2 percent to 6.0 percent. Malawi has prepared five-year efficiency plans for its three major hospitals that include reductions in funding for transport and utility systems, other items, and improved accounting and expenditure control.
In many African countries, modem technology is often not used properly, even in leading hospitals and medical schools (Free 1992). It is complex technology that requires every component to interact at the right place and the right time, but the more complex the technology. the greater the risk that a link in the chain will break down. The introduction of oily technology should therefore include the introduction of all the things needed to make the technology work: equipment, training, maintenance, quality control, and the capacity to translate the results of quality control analyses into corrective actions.
BOX 7-1. MAINTENANCE IN HOSPITALS OF ZAMBIA'S MINING CORPORATION
The public sector In Zambia is facing great difficulties in providing and sustaining medical equipment services. In public hospitals, about 20 percent of medical equipment is working poorly and 40 percent is completely out of operation. Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM) has established a health care system of its own, separate from the public sector, that consists of eleven hospitals and fifty-eight health centers. It has developed a good maintenance system for its medical equipment, which is about the same-age as that in the public sector) Its ability to do this has been due to the following factors:
- It has established an autonomous body, the Medical and Educational Trust, to operate all health care facilities and train health care and operational personnel)
- It has established work practices that encourage good staff performance, combined with strong supervision and incentives. It offers better service conditions than the public sector and has higher staff retention rates.
- ZCCM has recognized the importance of maintenance in its operations and health care activities. Mine hospitals are financed significantly better than their public sector counterparts and therefore receive adequate maintenance budgets and foreign exchange.
- It has separated medical equipment maintenance and safety policies from its operational activities and wisely applied technical and human resources, maintenance, and management expertise from industrial instrumentation to medical applications.
- Initial training in management and maintenance for health care specialists has been conducted by mine operational staff. Some operational maintenance staff have been seconded to mine hospitals.
Source: Templ + Bird 1991.
New technologies have expanded the potential scope of the health system; some examples follow.
- Computerized systems make it possible to store and retrieve the large amounts of vital statistics and other data needed to assess risks and to plan, implement, and evaluate health programs. Pharmaceutical supplies can be managed more efficiently through computerized updating of inventories, thus preventing waste and reducing costs. Computers are only helpful, however, to the extent that they support a management information system With adequate software and maintenance.
- Radio communication has proven essential in mobilizing the resources. needed to deal with epidemics and natural disasters, Health activities in rural areas can be better integrated into district health care through the use of two- way radios, particularly if transport is available to evacuate patients when necessary. Supervisory consultation by radio improves the efficacy of services and. reduces the cost of referral.
- New diagnostic tests, such as "dipsticks" to diagnose HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, or tests using saliva, may give community health centers diagnostic powers that were previously restricted to specialized urban laboratories.
- Noninvasive diagnostic tools with high sensitivity and high specificity,. such as uItrasound machines, may sharply improve diagnosis at the district level. Less invasive treatment keyhole" surgery, for example-can minimize patient trauma and reduce the length of hospital stays. A shift to one-day surgery with improved technologies and care practices, as is now being done in many industrial countries, could help to contain the growing demand for hospital beds and other health facilities (Porter 1992).
- The development of powerful drugs that can be effective when administered in a single oral dose has drastically modified the therapeutic approach to such diseases as helminthiasis and amoebiasis. Similarly, thermostable vaccines that can be given in a single oral dose have increased the prospects for controlling common children's diseases, such as measles and polio. Drug kits and blister packs fall in the same category.
The greatest obstacle to improving medical technology in Africa may be "technology philanthropy" - the uncoordinated donation of equipment to African countries by foreign agencies and charities. Given their. often precarious finances, developing countries find it hard to refuse such gifts, even when they are unsuited to the-country's immediate needs. One solution would be to devise "donation protocols," whereby the kinds of equipment to be donated would follow a model-paralleling, for example, the selection of drugs by using essential drugs lists (Porter 1992).
BOX 7-2. ACQUIRING NEW TECHNOLOGIES
There is generally no established mechanism in African countries for planning the acquisition of new health technologies. Awareness of technologies is not a problem, because there is a sufficient pool of knowledge at universities, among staff returning from abroad, and among consultants and donors. It is the process of technology transfer that is problematic, since it is usually made on an ad hoc basis according to vested interests, pressures, and prejudices. When there is some form of planning, the acquisition of new technologies is to a large extent controlled-by physicians and, more likely than not, by clinicians trained abroad. They are generally not the best persons to perform this task While the medical profession can readily pinpoint a problem, it generally has little idea of the complexity and extent of the engineering problems or the level of training associated with the technologies needed to solve them. Rather, a team is needed, including public and nongovernment health care providers, engineers, planners, and social scientiststo ensure that the broader cultural, social, and economic dimensions are considered) Public, private voluntary, and private commercial perspectives are all useful to this end. Because the choice of health technologies determines the allocation of human and financial resources in health care, African governments need to support operationally oriented research that will facilitate decisions about whether to introduce new tests, treatments, and their associated technologies into their countries' health care systems. Factors to be considered include the appropriateness and cost-effectiveness of the intervention, its links to the basic package of health services, its impact on health equity, the ease of its use and maintenance, its training requirements, and its life-time cost. A cautious attitude toward uncontrolled diffusion of medical technology is emerging in the industrial countries, and African policymakers would do well to exercise prudence in the face of quite understandable pressures for investment Selection of appropriate equipment, and arrangements-to ensure its maintenance, are appropriate ministry of health roles.
Much of the work of technology assessment will require intercountry cooperation, because the costs of undertaking assessments and preparing appropriate recommendations are likely to exceed the capacity of most individual African countries. Some support for such work exists at the international level, including a joint Technology Introduction Panel inaugurated by UNICEF in 1988 in cooperation with WHO and other international agencies (Box 7-2) (Free 1992).
Conclusion
Strengthening the management of infrastructure and equipment is one of the several health system reforms needed to achieve health goals in Africa. One concrete step would be for governments to assign responsibility for decisions about health facilities, equipment, and technology to a senior ministry of health official. Another would be to establish norms for health facilities at different levels in the system and to support operational research on the most cost- effective technologies available. Budgetary standards and provisions for maintenance and operating costs need to be established, particularly in public sector, health facilities. Since the financial resources required to provide basic health services are frequently depleted by cost overruns and-inefficiencies at the tertiary level, more efficient use of technologies, equipment, and facilities in large urban hospitals should L-e a priority. African ministries of health might take a look at the global -action plan devised by WHO for the management, maintenance, and repair of health care equipment.