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close this bookBriefs for Food, Agriculture, and the Environment - 2020 Vision : Brief 1 - 64 (IFPRI)
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View the document2020 BRIEF 1 - AUGUST 1994: ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT
View the document2020 BRIEF 2 - AUGUST 1994: WORLD SUPPLY AND DEMAND PROJECTIONS FOR CEREALS, 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 3 - AUGUST 1994: WORLD PRODUCTION OF CEREALS, 1966-90
View the document2020 BRIEF 4 - AUGUST 1994: SUSTAINABLE FARMING: A POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY
View the document2020 BRIEF 5 - OCTOBER 1994: WORLD POPULATION PROJECTIONS, 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 6 - OCTOBER 1994: MALNUTRITION AND FOOD INSECURITY PROJECTIONS, 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 7 - OCTOBER 1994: AGRICULTURAL GROWTH AS A KEY TO POVERTY ALLEVIATION
View the document2020 BRIEF 8 - OCTOBER 1994: CONSERVATION AND ENHANCEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES
View the document2020 BRIEF 9 - FEBRUARY 1995: THE ROLE OF AGRICULTURE IN SAVING THE RAIN FOREST
View the document2020 BRIEF 10 - FEBRUARY 1995: A TIME OF PLENTY, A WORLD OF NEED: THE ROLE OF FOOD AID IN 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 11 - FEBRUARY 1995: MANAGING AGRICULTURAL INTENSIFICATION
View the document2020 BRIEF 12 - FEBRUARY 1995: TRADE LIBERALIZATION AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 13 - APRIL 1995: THE POTENTIAL OF TECHNOLOGY TO MEET WORLD FOOD NEEDS IN 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 14 - APRIL 1995: AN ECOREGIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON MALNUTRITION
View the document2020 BRIEF 15 - APRIL 1995: AGRICULTURAL GROWTH IS THE KEY TO POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN LOW-INCOME DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
View the document2020 BRIEF 16 - APRIL 1995: DECLINING ASSISTANCE TO DEVELOPING-COUNTRY AGRICULTURE: CHANGE OF PARADIGM?
View the document2020 BRIEF 17 - MAY 1995: GENERATING FOOD SECURITY IN THE YEAR 2020: WOMEN AS PRODUCERS, GATEKEEPERS, AND SHOCK ABSORBERS
View the document2020 BRIEF 18 - MAY 1995: BIOPHYSICAL LIMITS TO GLOBAL FOOD PRODUCTION
View the document2020 BRIEF 19 - MAY 1995: CAUSES OF HUNGER
View the document2020 BRIEF 20 - MAY 1995: CHINA AND THE FUTURE GLOBAL FOOD SITUATION
View the document2020 BRIEF 21 - JUNE 1995: DEALING WITH WATER SCARCITY IN THE NEXT CENTURY
View the document2020 BRIEF 22 - JUNE 1995: THE RIGHT TO FOOD: WIDELY ACKNOWLEDGED AND POORLY PROTECTED
View the document2020 BRIEF 23 - JUNE 1995: CEREALS PROSPECTS IN INDIA TO 2020: IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY
View the document2020 BRIEF 24 - JUNE 1995: REVAMPING AGRICULTURAL R&D
View the document2020 BRIEF 25 - AUGUST 1995: MORE THAN FOOD IS NEEDED TO ACHIEVE GOOD NUTRITION BY 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 26 - AUGUST 1995: PERSPECTIVES ON EUROPEAN AGRICULTURE IN 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 27 - AUGUST 1995: NONDEGRADING LAND USE STRATEGIES FOR TROPICAL HILLSIDES
View the document2020 BRIEF 28 - AUGUST 1995: EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS FOR FOOD SECURITY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
View the document2020 BRIEF 29 - AUGUST 1995: POVERTY, FOOD SECURITY, AND THE ENVIRONMENT
View the document2020 BRIEF 30 - JANUARY 1996: RISING FOOD PRICES AND FALLING GRAIN STOCKS: SHORT-RUN BLIPS OR NEW TRENDS?
View the document2020 BRIEF 31 - APRIL 1996: MIDDLE EAST WATER CONFLICTS AND DIRECTIONS FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION
View the document2020 BRIEF 32 - APRIL 1996: THE TRANSITION IN THE CONTRIBUTION OF LIVING AQUATIC RESOURCES TO FOOD SECURITY
View the document2020 BRIEF 33 - JUNE 1996: MANAGING RESOURCES FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE IN SOUTH ASIA
View the document2020 BRIEF 34 - JUNE 1996: IMPLEMENTING THE URUGUAY ROUND: INCREASED FOOD PRICE STABILITY BY 2020?
View the document2020 BRIEF 35 - JULY 1996: SOCIOPOLITICAL EFFECTS OF NEW BIOTECHNOLOGIES IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
View the document2020 BRIEF 36 - OCTOBER 1996: RUSSIA'S FOOD ECONOMY IN TRANSITION: WHAT DO REFORMS MEAN FOR THE LONG-TERM OUTLOOK?
View the document2020 BRIEF 37 - OCTOBER 1996: UNCOMMON OPPORTUNITIES FOR ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE FOOD AND NUTRITION SECURITY - An Agenda for Science and Public Policy
View the document2020 BRIEF 38 - OCTOBER 1996: WORLD TRENDS IN FERTILIZER USE AND PROJECTIONS TO 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 39 - OCTOBER 1996: REDUCING POVERTY AND PROTECTING THE ENVIRONMENT: THE OVERLOOKED POTENTIAL OF LESS-FAVORED LANDS
View the document2020 BRIEF 40 - OCTOBER 1996: POLICIES TO PROMOTE ENVIRONMENTALLY SUSTAINABLE FERTILIZER USE AND SUPPLY TO 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 41 - DECEMBER 1996: STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN THE DEMAND FOR FOOD IN ASIA
View the document2020 BRIEF 42 - MARCH 1997: AFRICA'S CHANGING AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES
View the document2020 BRIEF 43 - JUNE 1997: THE POTENTIAL IMPACT OF AIDS ON POPULATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH RATES
View the document2020 BRIEF 44 - JUNE 1997: LAND DEGRADATION IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD: ISSUES AND POLICY OPTIONS FOR 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 45 - JUNE 1997: AGRICULTURE, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE, AND THE ENVIRONMENT IN LATIN AMERICA: A 2020 PERSPECTIVE
View the document2020 BRIEF 46 - JUNE 1997: AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND REGIONALISM IN SOUTH ASIA
View the document2020 BRIEF 47 - AUGUST 1997: THE NONFARM SECTOR AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT: REVIEW OF ISSUES AND EVIDENCE
View the document2020 BRIEF 48 - FEBRUARY 1998: CHALLENGES TO THE 2020 VISION FOR LATIN AMERICA: FOOD AND AGRICULTURE SINCE 1970
View the document2020 BRIEF 49 - APRIL 1998: NUTRITION SECURITY IN URBAN AREAS OF LATIN AMERICA
View the document2020 BRIEF 50 - JUNE 1998: FOOD FROM PEACE: BREAKING THE LINKS BETWEEN CONFLICT AND HUNGER
View the document2020 BRIEF 51 - JULY 1998: TECHNOLOGICAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR SUSTAINING WHEAT PRODUCTIVITY GROWTH TOWARD 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 52 - SEPTEMBER 1998: PEST MANAGEMENT AND FOOD PRODUCTION: LOOKING TO THE FUTURE
View the document2020 BRIEF 53 - OCTOBER 1998: POPULATION GROWTH AND POLICY OPTIONS IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD
View the document2020 BRIEF 54 - OCTOBER 1998: FOSTERING GLOBAL WELL-BEING: A NEW PARADIGM TO REVITALIZE AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT
View the document2020 BRIEF 55 - OCTOBER 1998: THE POTENTIAL OF AGROECOLOGY TO COMBAT HUNGER IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD
View the document2020 RESUMEN No. 56 - OCTUBRE DE 1998: AYUDA A LA AGRICULTURA EN LOS PAÍSES EN DESARROLLO: INVERSIONES EN LA REDUCCIÓN DE LA POBREZA Y NUEVAS OPORTUNIDADES DE EXPORTACIÓN
View the document2020 BRIEF 57 - OCTOBER 1998: ECONOMIC CRISIS IN ASIA: A FUTURE OF DIMINISHING GROWTH AND INCREASING POVERTY?
View the document2020 BRIEF 58 - FEBRUARY 1999: SOIL DEGRADATION: A THREAT TO DEVELOPING-COUNTRY FOOD SECURITY BY 20207
View the document2020 BRIEF 59 - MARCH 1999: AGRICULTURAL GROWTH, POVERTY ALLEVIATION, AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY: HAVING IT ALL
View the document2020 BRIEF 60 - MAY 1999: CRITICAL CHOICES FOR CHINA'S AGRICULTURAL POLICY
View the document2020 BRIEF 61 - MAY 1999: LIVESTOCK TO 2020: THE NEXT FOOD REVOLUTION
View the document2020 BRIEF 62 - OCTOBER 1999: NUTRIENT DEPLETION IN THE AGRICULTURAL SOILS OF AFRICA
View the document2020 BRIEF 63 - NOVEMBER 1999: PROSPECTS FOR INDIA'S CEREAL SUPPLY AND DEMAND TO 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 64 - FEBRUARY 2000: OVERCOMING CHILD MALNUTRITION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: PAST ACHIEVEMENTS AND FUTURE CHOICES
View the document2020 BRIEF 65 - MARCH 2000: COMBINING INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL INPUTS FOR SUSTAINABLE INTENSIFICATION

2020 BRIEF 24 - JUNE 1995: REVAMPING AGRICULTURAL R&D

Philip G. Pardey and Julian M. Alston

Philip G. Pardey is a research fellow in the Environment and Production Technology Division of the International Food Policy Research Institute. Julian M. Alston is a professor in the Department of Agricultural Economics, University of California at Davis.

Agricultural research and development (R&D) is big business. Worldwide investments in public-sector agricultural R&D totaled about US$17 billion in 1990: US$8.5 billion by developed countries and $8.8 billion by developing countries. The international research centers of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) spent an additional $286 million on agricultural research. Private-sector spending is substantial, too; for example, U.S. firms alone spent a further $2.8 billion on agricultural research in 1990.

But "business as usual" may not be sustainable. As governments trim budgets, public support for national and international research is coming under closer scrutiny. Budget makers are asking whether the current R&D institutions are still needed. How should they adapt to accommodate changes in science (such as modern biotechnology), changes in scientific institutions (such as plant variety rights), changes in society (demands for both a protected environment and safe, cheap food), changes in agriculture itself (fewer but better-educated fanners in some countries, increasing numbers in others), changes in the markets for agricultural products (including more international trade and an evolving product mix), and changes in the economy in general (the declining relative importance of agriculture)?

Although the details of the debates concerning research policies differ from country to country, many of the fundamental questions about the public role in agricultural R&D are common to most countries. Certainly the perception is widespread that agricultural R&D needs to be revamped and revitalized. There is also a growing awareness that simply seeking more dollars is not the answer. The financing, organization, and management of public-sector R&D will have to be dealt with in an integrated way.

INVESTMENT TRENDS AND INTENSITIES

Global investments in public agricultural R&D have increased more than threefold since the early 1960s. Over the past three decades, R&D expenditures in the developing countries grew faster than in the developed countries, so that by the late 1980s the developing countries spent more on agricultural research than the developed countries. This contrasts sharply with 30 years ago when developed countries accounted for over 65 percent of the world's public-sector research. By the end of the 1980s, however, the growth in agricultural research investments had slowed considerably, particularly throughout the developing world, where research investments had even begun to shrink in real terms in many countries.

Sub-Saharan Africa exemplifies these developing-country trends. Over the past three decades, the development of research staff has been impressive. There were significant increases in the number of researchers (a sixfold increase if South Africa is excluded), in Africanization (from about 90 percent expatriates in 1961 to 11 percent in 1991), and in education levels (over 60 percent of national researchers held a postgraduate degree in 1991). Developments in agricultural research expenditures were less positive. After reasonable growth in spending throughout much of Africa in the 1960s and early 1970s, growth largely stopped in the late 1970s. As a consequence, real spending per scientist has fallen by 2.6 percent per year since 1961, with the rate of decline accelerating from 1.6 percent a year during the 1960s to 3.5 percent a year during the 1980s.

For comparative purposes it is often more meaningful to relate agricultural research expenditures to the size of the agriculture sector (Table 1). From the early 1960s to the mid-1980s, these research intensity ratios almost doubled for developed and developing countries alike. Since then, China's research intensity ratio has stagnated, while research intensity ratios have shrunk considerably for many national research systems throughout Africa. In contrast, the intensity ratios for public spending on agricultural research in the United States and Australia continued to climb throughout the 1980s.

THE PAYOFF TO AGRICULTURAL R&D

The payoff to research can be summarized either by measuring the private rate of return (private costs and benefits to the investors in the research) or measuring the social rate of return (costs and benefits to society as a whole). Most studies of the private and social rates of return to agricultural R&D have concluded that they have been very high - typically more than 20 percent per year - compared with 3-5 percent per year for the long-run, real rate at which governments borrow money.

Table 1 - Agricultural research intensity ratios

Region or Country

Number of Countries

1961-65

1971-75

1981-85

Latest Year


(percent)

Developing regions


Sub-Saharan Africa, excluding South Africa

17

0.42

0.67

0.76

0.58a


South Africa

1

1.39

1.53

2.02

2.59a


Asia and the Pacific, excluding China

15

0.14

0.22

0.32

...


China

1

0.57

0.44

0.42

042b


Latin America and the Caribbean

26

0.30

0.46

0.58

...


West Asia and North Africa

13

0.28

0.50

0.52

...

Developed countries

18

0.96

1.41

2.03

...


United States

1

1.32

1.36

1.93

2.22c


Australia

1

1.54

3.56

4.52

4.42d

Source: Updated data from J R Anderson, P G Pardey, and J Rose-boom 1994. Sustaining growth in agriculture. A quantitative review of agricultural research investments, Agricultural Economics 10 107-123

Note: Agricultural research intensity ratios are research expenditures expressed as a percent of agricultural gross domestic product

a1991 estimate b1993 c1992 d1988

Some policymakers are skeptical of these reported rates of return, and there are grounds for questioning the evidence. Most studies did not adjust for the effects of price-distorting policies on research benefits, nor did they take full account of external costs such as the degradation of natural resources as a result of research. These omissions could lead to over- or understatement of the benefits and the rates of return. Most did not adjust for the effects of the social costs of market distortions arising from the taxation to finance the R&D, nor the costs of enforcement, compliance, collection, and administration of taxes. This will lead to an understatement of the social costs and an overstatement of the social rate of return.

On the other hand, a number of factors could lead to underestimated rates of return to agricultural R&D, including the omission of benefits from agricultural R&D that spill over into nonagricultural applications and the consequences of, say, environmental, food safety, and social science research that are not reflected in conventional productivity or rate-of-return measures.

While there are grounds for questioning individual study findings, a careful reassessment of this body of evidence should not change the main result: rates of return to both private- and public-sector agricultural R&D are high. The data support the view that such investments are a particularly productive use of scarce resources. These high rates of return justify the governments' past involvement in agricultural R&D, and since the rate of return to R&D is much greater than the borrowing rate, investment in agricultural research, in general, has been much too low.

THE RATIONALE FOR GOVERNMENT INVOLVEMENT

Without government involvement, too little agricultural R&D would take place. Underinvestment by the private sector arises from both the nature of agriculture (typically, individual farm businesses are too small to undertake effective R&D) and the nature of R&D (often individual inventors cannot capture all of the benefits from their inventions). These twin sources of "market failure" in agricultural R&D are endemic, but may be especially important in developing countries. Their effects on R&D may be exacerbated by other developing-country problems, such as pervasive distortions in commodity and capital markets. Therefore, government intervention is warranted to correct the market failure and to promote a greater total investment in agricultural R&D, especially in research areas with relatively low private R&D incentives and relatively high social payoffs.

This is usually interpreted to mean use of more taxpayer dollars to finance more public-sector R&D. Other government policies might also be used to improve the economic efficiency of agricultural R&D in terms of the total resources devoted to R&D, the allocation of those resources among research areas and research institutions, and the efficiency with which the resources are managed and utilized. Thus going beyond "more dollars" raises hard questions concerning the appropriate mix of private- and public-sector R&D activities and the use of economic principles in the management of resources to finance R&D in the least-cost way and to allocate the resources to the areas with highest social payoff.

APPROPRIATE GOVERNMENT INTERVENTION

What should governments do? There are few easy answers. In many developing countries governments have stifled innovation. Government interventions in commodity markets have often reduced the payoff to improved productivity in agriculture. Any movement in the direction of freer trade in agricultural goods is likely to enhance private incentives in developing countries to finance and conduct agricultural R&D and to adopt the results. Uncertainty about the future in countries with unstable political regimes also discourages long-term investment in knowledge and other capital. That such distortions are likely to persist adds to the reasons for further interventions to promote a more economic quantity and mix of agricultural R&D investments.

The ideal intervention by governments would be to combine their own investments in R&D and other incentives to private R&D so that the net social benefits would be as great as possible. This entails getting the total amount of investment right as well as the right mix of projects and programs, financing arrangements, and R&D executing agencies. While the ideal mix may not be achieved, movement in the right direction could be highly beneficial.

Increasing the total R&D budget is clearly a good idea, but it must be done so that benefits are sure to outweigh costs. Least-cost sources of funds must be found. And since public funds will always be scarce, especially in developing countries, those funds that are available for R&D ought to be allocated to the use with the highest social payoff. This is because agricultural R&D is generally best used to foster long-term economic growth rather than to pursue shorter-term redistributive objectives. Agricultural R&D priorities that do not emphasize the net social payoff can be unduly expensive sources of scarce public resources.

How much is enough? Many developed countries have for some time invested over 1 percent of their agricultural GDP in agricultural R&D. They have even increased their research intensities over recent years while apparently preserving the healthy rates of return of the past. But the fixed factors that condition these rates of return - such as the institutional, policy, and farming contexts within which the research investments are made - vary markedly from country to country. Hence rules of thumb, such as the one that says that 2 percent of the value of agricultural production should be invested in R&D, are far from adequate. The answer clearly must depend on the nature of the research and on other opportunities that must be forgone in order to finance R&D investments. The prospect of famine alone does not justify a large research investment. The investment must also have a chance of alleviating the problem. Different research intensities will be appropriate for different research programs, in different places, and at different times, depending on the expected costs and benefits.