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close this bookBriefs for Food, Agriculture, and the Environment - 2020 Vision : Brief 1 - 64 (IFPRI)
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View the document2020 BRIEF 1 - AUGUST 1994: ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT
View the document2020 BRIEF 2 - AUGUST 1994: WORLD SUPPLY AND DEMAND PROJECTIONS FOR CEREALS, 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 3 - AUGUST 1994: WORLD PRODUCTION OF CEREALS, 1966-90
View the document2020 BRIEF 4 - AUGUST 1994: SUSTAINABLE FARMING: A POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY
View the document2020 BRIEF 5 - OCTOBER 1994: WORLD POPULATION PROJECTIONS, 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 6 - OCTOBER 1994: MALNUTRITION AND FOOD INSECURITY PROJECTIONS, 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 7 - OCTOBER 1994: AGRICULTURAL GROWTH AS A KEY TO POVERTY ALLEVIATION
View the document2020 BRIEF 8 - OCTOBER 1994: CONSERVATION AND ENHANCEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES
View the document2020 BRIEF 9 - FEBRUARY 1995: THE ROLE OF AGRICULTURE IN SAVING THE RAIN FOREST
View the document2020 BRIEF 10 - FEBRUARY 1995: A TIME OF PLENTY, A WORLD OF NEED: THE ROLE OF FOOD AID IN 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 11 - FEBRUARY 1995: MANAGING AGRICULTURAL INTENSIFICATION
View the document2020 BRIEF 12 - FEBRUARY 1995: TRADE LIBERALIZATION AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 13 - APRIL 1995: THE POTENTIAL OF TECHNOLOGY TO MEET WORLD FOOD NEEDS IN 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 14 - APRIL 1995: AN ECOREGIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON MALNUTRITION
View the document2020 BRIEF 15 - APRIL 1995: AGRICULTURAL GROWTH IS THE KEY TO POVERTY ALLEVIATION IN LOW-INCOME DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
View the document2020 BRIEF 16 - APRIL 1995: DECLINING ASSISTANCE TO DEVELOPING-COUNTRY AGRICULTURE: CHANGE OF PARADIGM?
View the document2020 BRIEF 17 - MAY 1995: GENERATING FOOD SECURITY IN THE YEAR 2020: WOMEN AS PRODUCERS, GATEKEEPERS, AND SHOCK ABSORBERS
View the document2020 BRIEF 18 - MAY 1995: BIOPHYSICAL LIMITS TO GLOBAL FOOD PRODUCTION
View the document2020 BRIEF 19 - MAY 1995: CAUSES OF HUNGER
View the document2020 BRIEF 20 - MAY 1995: CHINA AND THE FUTURE GLOBAL FOOD SITUATION
View the document2020 BRIEF 21 - JUNE 1995: DEALING WITH WATER SCARCITY IN THE NEXT CENTURY
View the document2020 BRIEF 22 - JUNE 1995: THE RIGHT TO FOOD: WIDELY ACKNOWLEDGED AND POORLY PROTECTED
View the document2020 BRIEF 23 - JUNE 1995: CEREALS PROSPECTS IN INDIA TO 2020: IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY
View the document2020 BRIEF 24 - JUNE 1995: REVAMPING AGRICULTURAL R&D
View the document2020 BRIEF 25 - AUGUST 1995: MORE THAN FOOD IS NEEDED TO ACHIEVE GOOD NUTRITION BY 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 26 - AUGUST 1995: PERSPECTIVES ON EUROPEAN AGRICULTURE IN 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 27 - AUGUST 1995: NONDEGRADING LAND USE STRATEGIES FOR TROPICAL HILLSIDES
View the document2020 BRIEF 28 - AUGUST 1995: EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMS FOR FOOD SECURITY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
View the document2020 BRIEF 29 - AUGUST 1995: POVERTY, FOOD SECURITY, AND THE ENVIRONMENT
View the document2020 BRIEF 30 - JANUARY 1996: RISING FOOD PRICES AND FALLING GRAIN STOCKS: SHORT-RUN BLIPS OR NEW TRENDS?
View the document2020 BRIEF 31 - APRIL 1996: MIDDLE EAST WATER CONFLICTS AND DIRECTIONS FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION
View the document2020 BRIEF 32 - APRIL 1996: THE TRANSITION IN THE CONTRIBUTION OF LIVING AQUATIC RESOURCES TO FOOD SECURITY
View the document2020 BRIEF 33 - JUNE 1996: MANAGING RESOURCES FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE IN SOUTH ASIA
View the document2020 BRIEF 34 - JUNE 1996: IMPLEMENTING THE URUGUAY ROUND: INCREASED FOOD PRICE STABILITY BY 2020?
View the document2020 BRIEF 35 - JULY 1996: SOCIOPOLITICAL EFFECTS OF NEW BIOTECHNOLOGIES IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
View the document2020 BRIEF 36 - OCTOBER 1996: RUSSIA'S FOOD ECONOMY IN TRANSITION: WHAT DO REFORMS MEAN FOR THE LONG-TERM OUTLOOK?
View the document2020 BRIEF 37 - OCTOBER 1996: UNCOMMON OPPORTUNITIES FOR ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE FOOD AND NUTRITION SECURITY - An Agenda for Science and Public Policy
View the document2020 BRIEF 38 - OCTOBER 1996: WORLD TRENDS IN FERTILIZER USE AND PROJECTIONS TO 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 39 - OCTOBER 1996: REDUCING POVERTY AND PROTECTING THE ENVIRONMENT: THE OVERLOOKED POTENTIAL OF LESS-FAVORED LANDS
View the document2020 BRIEF 40 - OCTOBER 1996: POLICIES TO PROMOTE ENVIRONMENTALLY SUSTAINABLE FERTILIZER USE AND SUPPLY TO 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 41 - DECEMBER 1996: STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN THE DEMAND FOR FOOD IN ASIA
View the document2020 BRIEF 42 - MARCH 1997: AFRICA'S CHANGING AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES
View the document2020 BRIEF 43 - JUNE 1997: THE POTENTIAL IMPACT OF AIDS ON POPULATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH RATES
View the document2020 BRIEF 44 - JUNE 1997: LAND DEGRADATION IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD: ISSUES AND POLICY OPTIONS FOR 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 45 - JUNE 1997: AGRICULTURE, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE, AND THE ENVIRONMENT IN LATIN AMERICA: A 2020 PERSPECTIVE
View the document2020 BRIEF 46 - JUNE 1997: AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND REGIONALISM IN SOUTH ASIA
View the document2020 BRIEF 47 - AUGUST 1997: THE NONFARM SECTOR AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT: REVIEW OF ISSUES AND EVIDENCE
View the document2020 BRIEF 48 - FEBRUARY 1998: CHALLENGES TO THE 2020 VISION FOR LATIN AMERICA: FOOD AND AGRICULTURE SINCE 1970
View the document2020 BRIEF 49 - APRIL 1998: NUTRITION SECURITY IN URBAN AREAS OF LATIN AMERICA
View the document2020 BRIEF 50 - JUNE 1998: FOOD FROM PEACE: BREAKING THE LINKS BETWEEN CONFLICT AND HUNGER
View the document2020 BRIEF 51 - JULY 1998: TECHNOLOGICAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR SUSTAINING WHEAT PRODUCTIVITY GROWTH TOWARD 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 52 - SEPTEMBER 1998: PEST MANAGEMENT AND FOOD PRODUCTION: LOOKING TO THE FUTURE
View the document2020 BRIEF 53 - OCTOBER 1998: POPULATION GROWTH AND POLICY OPTIONS IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD
View the document2020 BRIEF 54 - OCTOBER 1998: FOSTERING GLOBAL WELL-BEING: A NEW PARADIGM TO REVITALIZE AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT
View the document2020 BRIEF 55 - OCTOBER 1998: THE POTENTIAL OF AGROECOLOGY TO COMBAT HUNGER IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD
View the document2020 RESUMEN No. 56 - OCTUBRE DE 1998: AYUDA A LA AGRICULTURA EN LOS PAÍSES EN DESARROLLO: INVERSIONES EN LA REDUCCIÓN DE LA POBREZA Y NUEVAS OPORTUNIDADES DE EXPORTACIÓN
View the document2020 BRIEF 57 - OCTOBER 1998: ECONOMIC CRISIS IN ASIA: A FUTURE OF DIMINISHING GROWTH AND INCREASING POVERTY?
View the document2020 BRIEF 58 - FEBRUARY 1999: SOIL DEGRADATION: A THREAT TO DEVELOPING-COUNTRY FOOD SECURITY BY 20207
View the document2020 BRIEF 59 - MARCH 1999: AGRICULTURAL GROWTH, POVERTY ALLEVIATION, AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY: HAVING IT ALL
View the document2020 BRIEF 60 - MAY 1999: CRITICAL CHOICES FOR CHINA'S AGRICULTURAL POLICY
View the document2020 BRIEF 61 - MAY 1999: LIVESTOCK TO 2020: THE NEXT FOOD REVOLUTION
View the document2020 BRIEF 62 - OCTOBER 1999: NUTRIENT DEPLETION IN THE AGRICULTURAL SOILS OF AFRICA
View the document2020 BRIEF 63 - NOVEMBER 1999: PROSPECTS FOR INDIA'S CEREAL SUPPLY AND DEMAND TO 2020
View the document2020 BRIEF 64 - FEBRUARY 2000: OVERCOMING CHILD MALNUTRITION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: PAST ACHIEVEMENTS AND FUTURE CHOICES
View the document2020 BRIEF 65 - MARCH 2000: COMBINING INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL INPUTS FOR SUSTAINABLE INTENSIFICATION

2020 BRIEF 30 - JANUARY 1996: RISING FOOD PRICES AND FALLING GRAIN STOCKS: SHORT-RUN BLIPS OR NEW TRENDS?

Per Pinstrup-Andersen and James L. Garrett

Per Pinstrup-Andersen is director general and James L. Garrett is his special assistant at the International Food Policy Research Institute.

Grain traders in 1995 may have wondered if they were about to relive the world food crisis of the early 1970s. Prices for wheat, rice, and maize shot up during the year, grain stocks continued a three-year fall, fertilizer prices increased, and food aid dropped to slightly more than half of what it was in 1992. Average wheat prices in 1995 were 18 percent higher than prices in 1994, and 26 percent higher than in 1993 (Figure 1). Prices for maize and rice followed a similar pattern. As production failed to meet demand for the third consecutive year, grain stocks tumbled from an average of 17 percent of total annual consumption in the 1994/95 cropping year to an estimated 13 percent at the end of the 1995/96 season (Figure 2). In addition, China shifted from being a net grain exporter to a major importer, as the Soviet Union had been in the 1970s.

WHY LARGE PRICE INCREASES NOW?

Overall grain production declined only about 3.4 percent in 1995, following a 2.5 percent increase in 1994. And global stocks have been declining for a number of years. So why large price increases now?

In early 1995 a number of factors came together to push prices up. On the supply side, wet weather slowed grain planting in the United States and Canada, two of the world's largest producers. Drought and civil conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa caused production to drop 20 percent below normal.

Also, in recent years, grain yields in Asia have stagnated, food production in Western Europe and North America has decreased because of government set-aside programs and reduced price subsidies, and food production in the former Soviet Union has declined. China's production also fell, and China significantly increased its presence in the world grain market. Although China exported almost 8 million metric tons of grain in 1993, it imported 14 million tons in 1994 and was expected to import more than 16 million tons in 1995.

At the same time, the 1995/96 forecasts were for global grain stocks to reach 13 percent, their lowest level in the past 30 years and well below the 17 percent the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) considers necessary to provide a margin of safety for world food security. Even during the world food crisis of the early 1970s, stocks never went below 15 percent.

BLIPS OR TRENDS?

Are these rising grain prices and falling grain stocks just blips in the long-term trend of felling real prices (Figure 3) and otherwise relatively stable stock levels as a share of consumption? Or do they presage new trends? Grain traders seem to believe that these are relatively short-term price increases, as futures prices have moved toward price levels of previous years (Figure 1).

In the short run, the weather, together with producer, consumer, and government actions, will have the greatest effect on production and prices. Just as farmers expanded production and consumers reduced purchases as prices rose during the world food crisis of the 1970s, farmers and consumers will do the same now. Farmers in Canada, the United States, Russia, and Ukraine are already expanding wheat plantings in response to high prices, and fertilizer demand is increasing to support expanded production plans.


Figure 1 - Monthly wheat prices, 1993-96

Source: Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Wheat outlook (December 1995). Prices for 1996 are futures prices as of January 17,1996, Chicago Board of Trade.


Figure 2 - Stocks of world grains, 1967/68-1995/96

Source: Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Grain: World markets and trade. Circular Series FG 10-95 (October 1995).

Some governments are responding by attempting to increase supplies. The European Union will allow increases in the amount of agricultural land in production in 1996, and the United States is likely to do the same. If supplies increase and consumption falls, prices will fall. With normal or good weather, farmer and government actions should lead to increased global production in excess of consumption increases this year and stocks will begin to rebuild. However, because the world has exceptionally low grain stocks, even minor production declines due to bad weather could result in large price increases.


Figure 3 - Grain prices, 1950-94

Source: World Bank, Commodity trade and price trends, 1989-91 (Washington, D.C., 1993); Commodity Policy and Analysis Unit, International Economics Department, World Bank, Commodity price data (August 9,1995).

Some governments are taking steps to ensure that higher international prices will not lead to higher domestic prices. The European Union recently began taxing wheat exports, and in mid-1995 South Africa halted all new grain export contracts to increase domestic supplies and dampen domestic price rises. Unfortunately, such measures reduce international grain supplies, increase pressure on international prices, and prevent European and South African farmers from benefiting from higher international prices.

In the long term, actions taken by governments, the private sector, and international agencies will influence whether these price rises are blips or trends. Recent policy changes in North America and Europe could permanently lower grain stocks, increasing future price fluctuations because of a lack of stocks to buffer price variations. As these governments scale back farm-price support programs, they no longer need to buy and hold large reserves. The European Union now has less than one-quarter the stocks it held in 1993.

Projections by IFPRI and FAO indicate that if governments pursue appropriate macroeconomic and sectoral policies and expand investment in agricultural research and technology, agricultural productivity will increase, global grain production will keep up with demand, and real cereal prices will continue the downward trend of the last 50 years. If there is insufficient investment in the agriculture and rural sectors, real cereal prices could rise. The degree of success with which China and the countries of eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union make reforms along these lines will significantly influence future global food supply and demand.

THE EFFECTS OF RISING PRICES ON FOOD SECURITY IN LOW-INCOME COUNTRIES

Rising prices can quickly put food out of reach of the 1.1 billion people in the developing world who live on a dollar a day or less. Many poor people in low-income countries spend more than half their income on food, and food price increases are detrimental to their well-being. However, many of the poorest people in low-income countries depend on agriculture - directly or indirectly - for their livelihoods, and rising crop prices may actually increase their incomes. Public policies to deal with rising prices must not harm poor producers while helping poor consumers.

Some analysts think that grain fed to livestock can buffer price rises. As grain prices go up, meat prices will too. Meat demand will decline, freeing up grain for direct consumption. As the gap between rich and poor widens, however, wealthier consumers may not reduce their consumption of meat much, even at higher prices, and the burden of reducing grain demand to the level of supply may fall mostly on the poor.

The international community and individual countries can take action to dampen price rises or alleviate their negative effects. Industrial and exporting countries can continue to hold sufficient grain stocks or join together to create a new global grain reserve to increase supplies when prices rise and dampen price shocks. However, as agricultural price subsidies in industrial countries are reduced, these nations have little incentive to hold stocks or support reserves of the required magnitude.

Many developing countries have found that strategies to keep grain affordable to consumers, such as holding large public grain stocks or setting ceiling prices, are unsustainably expensive. There are, however, things they can do:

· Hold small grain stocks to provide some insurance against price spikes.

· Use foreign exchange insurance or special credit arrangements, such as the International Monetary Fund's Compensatory Financing Facility, to finance needed imports.

· Use world futures and options markets to hedge against future price increases.

· Invest in transportation, communication, and agricultural research to ensure competitive rural markets and enhance the capacity of farmers to respond to changing prices.

These mechanisms affect overall domestic supply and prices. Developing-country governments may find it more cost-effective to target assistance programs to the poor and not to distort domestic prices for everyone. Employment-generation, credit, or income-transfer programs, such as food coupons, targeted to the food insecure could be expanded temporarily to help them deal with the negative consequences of short-term increases in food prices. Food aid, used wisely so it does not harm developing-country agriculture, can also assist low-income households in coping with food price increases.

In the long run, governments, communities, and the private sector must work together to reduce poverty and improve household food security. As the poor in both urban and rural areas increase their incomes, they can better cope on their own with price fluctuations that affect the international grain markets.