Chapter 8: Political Parties and Democracy: Concluding Remarks

Political pluralism has come to symbolize democratic aspirations in Tanzania. The dozen or so political parties that have received full registration and legal recognition are an example of how multiparty democracy is slowly taking shape in the country. For many Tanzanians democracy refers to pluralism. That is essentially because of the realization that "free competition among parties is the hallmarks of a pluralist democracy."¹

Political parties are therefore crucial for the establishment of firm democratic foundations. Why so? Because as observed by Nnoli, "the fundamental purpose of political parties and party system is to provide a stable pattern of expectations, activities and behaviour for the peaceful change of government."² Political parties provide democracy with the necessary support that sustains it. The role of political parties in democratic governance can never be overrated. Yet the performance of political parties in Tanzania does not show great hope for expanded democracy because of characteristics inherent in their structures, party practices and their lack of coherent programmes.

In our own estimation, the importance of political parties is in their ability to mobilize citizens to take an active role in the political and economic development of their country. For democracy to have any meaning citizens must be able to fulfil their civic obligations, willingly. Citizens must be active participants, not only in obeying the laws of the land but also in making known their need for change. Citizens have to be able to work actively and positively toward fulfilling their popular needs. Political parties therefore help citizens to realize these needs. In this regard, democracy is also viewed as "the maximization of free flow of information and the enhanced guidance of a far more positive feedback of information and knowledge between the rulers and the ruled."³ Political parties act as a conduit in this free flow of information. Citizens must be able to communicate with their rulers about their social, economic and political needs. The leaders have to be accountable to those who put them in power to ensure efficiency and effectiveness in governance. Transparency and accountability, so necessary in democratic governance, can be guaranteed by a plural political system.

Under a single party system, citizen demands and needs are ignored. The political party becomes bureaucratized, and it becomes enmeshed with the state. Since a single political party is protected by law and financed by state coffers it can afford to ignore citizen rights and often rules by fiat, not by the popular will of the people. The notion of separation of powers between the three branches of government becomes blurred. Both the legislature and the judiciary are subordinated to the party and the executive. Therefore, although members of parliament are elected by the people every few years, they join parliament only to legitimize decisions already made by the party and the executive. Under monopoly politics members of parliament become puppets of the party and therefore cannot make the government answerable to the parliament.

The failure of the legislature to control the bureaucracy is a direct result of monopoly politics under single-party rule. The whole parliament becomes a committee of the party, and therefore subject to the whims of the powers that be. Most often, the party supremacy does not only kill individual initiative but it also undermines the sovereignty of the people. It is therefore anticipated that with multipartism democracy will be enhanced by removing party supremacy and giving the parliament control over the government. Democracy becomes meaningful only when political parties are accountable to the people. Moreover the government has not only to be transparent but also be accountable to the people through their representatives.

Since the introduction of multipartism, people's expectations have not been fulfilled. People expected that the scope for democracy would be expanded. Unfortunately, however, the CCM government has retained all the powers to oversee the democratic transition. It does not consult with the new political parties on policy changes and it uses the party to bulldoze the parliament. The question then is, what is the future for democracy under multipartism in Tanzania?

We must point out that if the scope for democracy is to be widened, all political parties have to realize that citizens have to be seriously involved in party affairs. That political parties are not exclusive clubs of strong men who founded them. Rather, political parties are there to enhance political discourse between the governors and the governed.

Many political parties have been registered as mentioned earlier. However, the failure of these political parties to mobilize the people to take an active role in shaping the future of their country is disappointing. This leads people to draw conclusions that Tanzanian political parties are weak and do not deserve to be called political parties. One of the criteria used to arrive at such a disparaging conclusion is the fact that party programmes are rather similar across political parties.

It is usually understood that what distinguishes one political party from the other is their programmes and ideologies. Yet most if not all Tanzanian political parties do not have clear cut party programmes and a distinguishing ideology. They do not have any economic programmes on how to pull out Tanzania from the current crisis of indebtedness, falling per capita incomes, double digit inflation, deteriorating social services and overdependence on foreign donors to finance the government budget. Experts of politics have observed that almost all political parties "lack clearly and deeply worked out ideas linking multipartism with positive economic performance".⁴

Indeed, as discussed in the first three chapters, the programmes of the three political parties are similar. All of them praise the virtues of private capital and admire the so called efficiency of market forces in the allocation of resources. CHADEMA seems to abhor planned economies, arguing that many of the problems' which have affected Tanzania arise out of the fact that Tanzania has attempted and got involved in plans and projects which are too many and too large."⁵ NCCR-Mageuzi also supports a private sector market economy, and so is UMD and CUF. The similarity in their programmes and their lack of guiding ideologies reduces these political parties to pressure groups.

The ruling Party has lost its ideological direction. Although they claim to pursue socialism, it is quite apparent that they are pursuing capitalism. When CCM abandoned the leadership code they effectively killed the Arusha Declaration. The socialist ethic was virtually eliminated. Another strong pillar of the Arusha declaration was the public sector which the CCM government is now busy privatizing. In all these changes the people of Tanzania have not been consulted. Withdrawal of the Arusha Declaration and the Abandonment of Ujamaa has left CCM without a guiding ideology bringing to question its legitimacy. Unfortunately, the new political parties have not come with an alternative ideology to fill the gap created by CCM.

Most if not all political parties in Tanzania are elitist in nature. Their lack of guiding ideologies is a mere reflection of their narrow constituency base. These political parties do not have a wide social base as they are formed and chaired by elites. Because they do not have clear ideologies they fail to capture the imagination of most citizens. Under such conditions prospects for democracy are not that bright. This is what worries most analysts of political developments in Africa: a lack of a strong class basis for democracy. Indeed, Mmandani captures the situation well when he argues that,

For yet another tendency's discernible today, one that eulogises democracy only in the form conceptualized by the bourgeoisie. By casting a halo around one single demand, that for multiparty system and free and fair elections, as the sum and substance of the democratic opening so narrow that it would grant only meaningful freedom to rival bourgeois factions, while leaving popular classes beyond its pale.⁶

For most political parties the number of political parties signifies the downing of democracy in the country. Yet, the fact that these parties are mere factions of the same ruling elite, underscores the reality that they are only too keen to fight and defend their share of domination and exploitation. Public support is only a means for giving them access to political and economic resources.

As factions of the same ruling elite, most of the new political parties are formed and managed by people who were either thrown out of CCM and its government, or people who realized that political kingdom cannot be attained through CCM. Some are splinters from other parties as a result of personal feuds among the leadership. Personal power struggles rather than ideological differences appeared to be the motivating factor to form new political parties. Therefore personal gains rather than the need for expanded democracy is key to starting and registering political parties in Tanzania. Power hungry and resource constrained individuals compete in starting political parties. This tendency is not only manifested in the continuing feuds in these political parties (NCCR-Mageuzi, CUF, UMD, etc.), but also in the type of candidates they field in elections.

In the past by-elections, many candidates who had been denied nomination under the CCM ticket immediately withdrew from CCM and joined the new political parties. These new political parties fielded these new comers to compete against CCM. However, CCM used the opportunity to clober the opposition as power hungry and not genuine democrats with the people's interest at heart. Some of those who were denied the share of election subsidy rejoined CCM. The point is that, the number of political parties operating in a country should not be taken wholesale to signify the widening scope for democracy.

Meaningful multiparty democracy will only come about when the new political parties realize that communication between them and the citizens has to be improved. That the new political parties should provide civic education as one of their responsibilities. Civics education is not only the prerogative of the ruling party nor that of the government alone. It is important for political parties to educate not only their members but all citizens in general about their basic rights. Citizens have to be educated that they have a right to join any political party of their choice and vote for any candidate they believe to be able to provide good leadership. Citizens have to be educated on their civic duties and obligations as voters. The by elections in Kwahani-Zanzibar, Ileje, Kigoma, and Igunga have revealed that political apathy is very high among Tanzanians. Many people do not care to register and even those who register do not vote. Moreover the number of spoiled votes is also very high indicating a high voter illiteracy rate. Apparently many people are not aware of the voting procedures. It is therefore the responsibility of political parties to educate voters on how to register and how to vote.

Citizens must also be educated on how to identify malpractice in elections. If people are refused to register without any legal basis (i.e. are underage, or non citizens or mentally deranged, or non-residents of a specified constituency) they must be made aware that they can file a petition with the National Electoral Commission within fourteen days. They can even file a complaint with the courts of law.

Many citizens believe that voting for the new political parties is tantamount to treason and a sure road to political chaos. It is the responsibility of the new political panics to eradicate this mental opium inculcated through three decades of single party propaganda. The new political parties have to counter the-viscous campaign propaganda by the ruling party that if they vote the opposition to office, peace and harmony will disappear. People must be made aware that it is one of their obligations as citizens to sieve among the various candidates and pick the candidate that espouses programmes closest to their own interest. That people have the right to choose anyone they like. Of course this also demands that institutions of mass propaganda have to be neutral. The mass media, particularly the, radio, and the popular Kiswahili daily newspapers have to offer equal opportunity to all political parties. All parties must have equal access to the TV and radio stations. Political party resources have to be used to buy air time or space in the print media. Complaints and complacency will not help to expand democracy. The new political parties have to struggle if they want to capture political power democratically.

The numerous independent newspapers and tabloids have created favourable conditions for expanded democracy in the country. These papers have managed to uncover scandalous practices by the CCM government. By publicising government malpractice whether in the use of public resources or in issuing illegal tax exemptions when the treasury is bankrupt etc. encourages transparency and accountability in government. Perhaps this is why Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, once remarked that the future for democracy in Tanzania does not depend on the large number of political parties but on the efficiency and effectiveness of the private media to keep the government on its toes.

Perhaps the most important multiparty phenomenon that brightens up the future of the democratic transition in Tanzania is the effort by the legislature and the judiciary to disengage from party and executive domination. The introduction to multiparty politics has forced the parliament to rethink its role and to lay ground for a multiparty legislature. Prior to the introduction of multipartism, the parliament was a mere committee of the ruling CCM. As a committee, parliament was unable to have its own legislative agenda and own political stand. Whatever was decided by the CCM National Executive Committee, was only rushed to parliament for legitimacy purposes. However, the introduction of multipartism means that other political parties will inevitably find their way to the parliament.

The possibility of opposition parties in parliament means that the whole parliament can no longer be reduced to a mere committee of the party. Parliamentary rules an regulations have now been changed to accommodate a multiparty culture in parliament. To ensure that each political party gets fair chance for its detailed views to be hear, the idea of private motions has been introduced. Private motions enable debates on issues presented by individual members of parliament. Under a single party culture only government motions are discussed to ensure that the party and the government prevails. Since their introduction in 1992 following the dawning of multipartism, many private motions have been introduced in parliament. These motions have been used to censure the government. Members of Parliament have also used the occasion of private motions to reassert the autonomy of the legislature. The private motion on Loliondogate, on Steingate, on the OIC, on Tanganyika have sparked considerable debate inside the parliament and in the free press. At last the parliament has made efforts to disengage itself from party and executive domination. This is a good sign for democracy.

However, it may also be observed that the lack of opposition parties in the current parliament defeats the efforts for creating an autonomous parliament. The ability of the parliament to effectively sanction the government will only come about when the new political parties get elected to the parliament.

Apart from the need for a strong and autonomous parliament, the judiciary is also a very key player in democratic governance. The high court is the custodian of the constitution and the guarantee of the rule of law. Under single party hegemony, individual citizens were subjected to harassment and persecution by the absolute state. People lived under constant fear, fear from repressive rules. The introduction of multipartism has also enabled the judiciary to reassert its autonomy to check and balance the executive and the legislature.

As an effort to reassert its autonomy, the judiciary has declared certain laws null and void. The judiciary has also allowed citizens to sue the government without first seeking its permission. Under multipartism, it is important for the courts to appear to dispense justice and to make sure that election laws are respected. In a recent election petition a high court judge nullified the results of the Kigoma-Urban by-election. The judge cited bad government conduct i.e. the use of government property-cars, the radio, etc. to campaign on behalf of one of the political parties, CCM, contrary to election regulations. Such a judgement helps to bolster the confidence of citizens on the judicial system. Multiparty democracy can only be sustained when democratic rules of governance are respected by every player in the political game. Where these rules are not respected, the judiciary acts as a neutral umpire.

Another crucial ingredient for the sustenance of a democratic culture of governance is the need for a people's constitution to institute the necessary checks and balances on all political players. It is absolutely important for the constitution to bestow government powers to all local governments. Grassroots democracy starts at the local government level. Therefore the constitution must define the role of local government in a democratic Tanzania. The demarcation lines between functions and obligations of local governments have to be recognized constitutionally. Moreover, the current weakness of local governments are a direct result of a poor resources base. The central governments has given local government a lot of responsibilities i.e. primary health care, primary education, maintenance of rural roads and water and sanitation. Most of these responsibilities are also affected by sectoral decisions. However, the central government has not given local governments lucrative sources of funds. All major decisions regarding funding have to be decided after consultation with the central government authorities. This has to be changed constitutionally, to give local governments powers to manage local affairs as well as to have the right to lucrative sources of funds. All major decisions regarding funding have to be decided after consultation with the central government authorities. This has to be changed constitutionally, to give local governments powers to manage local affairs as well as to have the right to lucrative sources of funds.

The constitution must also provide citizens with direct means of sanctioning the government, both at local and central level. That is, if democracy is to be enhanced, citizens must reserve the right to approve any major decisions affecting their destiny including making any major amendments to the constitution. The government should not be allowed to tinker with the constitution as it wishes. Referendums, petitions and the right to recall government officials who misuse public office have to be recognized constitutionally. Democracy will be enhanced if major political an economic decisions are approved directly by the people in a referendum. When citizens feel that elected officials whether at the local or central government level are no fulfilling their election pledges or are misusing public offices for private gains, they must be allowed to file a petition to recall that officer i.e. remove him/her from public office.

Currently the citizens of Tanzania are oppressed by prohibitive tax burdens. Yet the government exempts luxuries like beer from taxes. Rich business people are exempted from paying taxes on imported beer, while local public companies are denied any exemptions. The democratic right to basic education and basic primary health care is threatened by the introduction of user fees and cost sharing schemes for these basic social services, because the government claims it does not have money. Everyone knows that taxes are not collected, that public funds are misused. When members of parliament raise the issue of laxity and corruption in tax collection they are silenced. When the members of parliament demand an explanation to the misuse of public funds they are silenced by the big stick of the ruling party.

Such maladies can be removed if the constitution is amended to include a clause to the effect that all major taxation decisions have to be approved by a referendum. No new taxes should be introduced without being approved in a referendum. Moreover, the constitution should also be amended to include a mandatory code of conduct for all senior public officials, both elected and appointed. Before taking public office all senior officials must be made to sign a declaration form regarding their assets, both immovable property as well as financial cash in banks, as well as shares in public or private companies. Clean governance must be emphasized. When people suspect misuse of public office, an independent investigator has to be appointed by the parliament. This has also to be recognized constitutionality, for only clean and ethical governance can ensure that democracy thrives and sustains.

In addition to checks and balances in the three branches of government, so necessary to prevent the rise to power of more authoritarian rulers, a workable permanent constitution recognizing citizen power through petitions, referendums and recall powers should be put in place. Moreover, political parties should take their historical role in ensuring democratic governance. If only to reiterate our earlier contentions on political parties, the new political parties as well as the ruling party should create mechanisms that will enable them to get competent candidates for elections. Under these circumstances, candidates must never be picked because the leadership trusts them or as political favours. Party members have to be allowed to pick a competent candidate who will represent their aspirations. To ensure that only good candidates are picked, party caucuses or party primaries have to be introduced. Once the members in party caucuses or primaries make their choice it should be obligatory for the party to respect the choice made by other members. Although the ruling party has devised a system enabling members to cast preferential votes for candidates to local government elections and members of parliaments, complaints have always been heard. Candidates with high preferential scores have often been dropped in favour of party darlings rejected by members. The political party acts and the election laws have to be amended to include a provision to the effect that only those candidates picked by party members will be recognized as the legal contenders in elections managed by the National Electoral Commission. This mechanism will at least check poor candidates hand picked by party bosses.

Alongside candidate selection, political parties have to realize that they have a responsibility to conduct professional election campaigns. Experiences so far show that many political parties do not take campaigns seriously. As soon as they receive campaign subsides, they campaign in a few places, and do not strive to reach all voters. Moreover, many political parties including the ruling CCM, use abusive language to denigrate the other parties and their candidates.

Political parties should learn to use proper language and propagate issues. Social, economic and political issues should constitute the main thrust of their election campaigns. Making outrageous promises that cannot be fulfilled is unethical. Campaigns must reflect both the bread and butter issues of citizens along with future perspectives for promoting social and economic development.

Political parties should identify and target potential voters for mobilization. Many political parties lack a sense of direction because they do not know their voters. It is their responsibility to mobilize voters by educating them on their civic and democratic rights to elect to office responsible people. Mobilization should also focus on party programmes. Political parties should prepare policies and programmes that will link them with different social classes. Of course party programmes have to reflect the needs of every member of society. This will inevitably give the political parties a sense of direction which will improve their ability to influence social, political and economic events in society.

Initially many of us believed and hoped that multipartism would propel democracy to its highest levels. The behaviour of many of these political parties is discouraging. Most of them have failed to internalize the democratic process in their parties. No elections have been carried out to determine their top leadership, save in CHADEMA, CUF and NCCR-Mageuzi where the founder members were confirmed to their posts. Most of the other leaders are interim. This is a bad omen for democracy.

The continuous infighting, and splits of the new political parties is another bad sign for multiparty democracy in Tanzania. UMD has split due to political differences and competition for the chairmanship of the party between Mr. Kasanga Tumbo the Secretary General and Chief Abadalah Fundikira the interim Party Chairman. Mr. Tumbo has decided to form a new political party (PODEMO). NCCR-Mageuzi has also split into two political parties due to political and leadership differences. CUF is on the verge of splitting due to political and leadership differences between the Chairman, Mr. James Mapalala, and the Zanzibar leadership Mr. Shariff Hamad, Mr. Shaaban Mloo, etc. TADEA is also hurting from leadership wrangles between the interim chairperson, Mrs Flora Kambona, and the interim Party Secretary, Mr. Chipaka. PONA has also been crippled because of leadership wrangles between the Chairman, Mr. Mwakitwange, and Mr. Nyimbo, the Deputy, who has decided to quit the party. Under such personality-based leadership differences it is hard to believe that multipartism will lead to expanded democracy in this country.

The future for democracy in Tanzania does not therefore reside with multipartism alone. It depends also on the introduction of checks and balances in the three branches of government. The legislature should be autonomous from the party and the executive. Also the judiciary has to be independent from the executive and the legislature. In short the judiciary should be free from any type of political interference. Most important however is the introduction of a comprehensive constitution which recognizes basic human rights, as well as the need for proper local governments. Furthermore, democracy will be expanded if and when the constitution grants people democracy through such institutions as referendums, petitions and power to recall political leadership.

Notes

1. Paul Ntungwe Ndue, "Africa's Turn Towards Pluralism," Journal of Democracy Vol. 5. No. 1 January 1994, p.45

2. O. Nnoli. Introduction to Politics, Longmans, 1986, p. 139.

3. Bernard Crick, "Then and US". Public Impotence and Government Power in W. John Morgan ed. Politics and Consensus In Modern Britain, Macmillan Press, London, 1988, p. 42.

4. Mwesiga Baregu, "The Economic Origins of Political Liberalization and Future Prospects," in M.S.D. Bagachwa and A.V.Y. Mbelle, Eds., Economic Policy Under A Multiparty System in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam university Press, 1993, p. 117.

5. CHADEMA, Basic Principles, Objectives and Policies, 1992 p. 1.

6. Mamdani M., "Contradictory Class Perspectives on the Question of Democracy. The Case of Uganda", in Anyang Nyong'o, P. (ed.) Popular Struggles for Democracy in Africa, London Zed Books Ltd. M 1987.

Appendix I

1. The National Leadership of Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM)

NAME OF LEADER	POSITION
1. Ali Hassan Mwinyi	National Chairman
2. John Samweli Malecela	Vice Chairman (Mainland) Member of Central Committee
3. Salmin Amour	Vice chairman (Zanzibar), Member of Central Committee
4. Horace Kolimba	Secretary General, Member of Central Committee
5. Mosses Nnauye	Deputy Secretary General, Member of Central Committee
6. Ali Amer Mohamed	Deputy Secretary General, Member of Central Committee
7. Kigunge Ngombale Mwiru	Publicity Secretary, Member of Central Committee
8. Paul Bomani	Treasury
9. John Guninita	Chairman, CCM Youth, Member of CC
10. Gibons Mwaikambo	Chairman, CCM Parents, Member of CC
11. Vacant	Chairperson, CCM Women, Member of CC
12. Dr. Omar Ali Juma	Chief Minister, (Z'bar), Member of CC
13. Dr. Inshau A. Khamis	Member, Central Committee
14. Ali Mzee Ali	Member, Central Committee
15. Omar Ramadhan Mapuri	Member, Central Committee
16. Mej. Gen. Abdallah Natepe	Member, Central Committee
17. Juma Hamad Omar	Member, Central Committee
18. Pius Msekwa	Member, Central Committee (Speaker, National Assembly)
19. Cleopa David Msuya	Member, Central Committee (Minister, Trade and Industries)
20. Mustafa Salum Nyang'anyi	Member, Central Committee (Minister Prime Ministers Office)
21. Benjamin William Mkapa	Member, Central Committee (Minister, Science and Tech.)
22. Sebastian Titus Chale	Member, Central Committee (Ruvuma, CCM)

2. The National Leadership of Chama Cha Demokrasia Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA)

1. Hon. Edwin Mtei	Chairman
2. Ali Sulemani Ahmed	Vice Chairman
3. Brown Ngwilulupi	Vice Chairman
4. Bob. N. Makani	Secretary General
5. Mr. Mustafa S. Simba	Deputy Secretary General (2)
6. Mr. Eric R. Mchatta	Makamu Katibu Mkuu Deputy Sec. General (2)
7. Mr. Edward Barongo	Publicity Secretary
8. Mr. Michael Shang's	Member of the National Executive Committee
9. Mr. Costa Shinyanga	" "
10. Mrs. Mary Kabigi	" "
11. Col. Geofrey Marealle	" "
12. Mr. Issa Ali Issa	" "
13. Mr. Leonard Shango	" "
14. Mr. N.E. Maembe	" "
15. George Wasira	" "
16. Mr. Freeman Mbowe	" "
17. Khamis Kombo Kondo	" "
18. Victor Kimesera	" "
19. Dr. Medardo Mujungu	" "
20. Edson Mkisi	" "
21. Said Msabaha Salim	" "
22. Abeid Badallah Abeid	" "
23. Shariff H.A. Suleiman	" "
24. Mahimbo Kaoneka	Executive Secretary

3. The national Leadership of the National Convention for Construction and Reform (NCCR-MAGEUZI)

NAME OF LEADER	POSITION
1. Mabere Nyaucho Marando	National Chairman
2. Haidari Magutto	National Vice-Chairman
3. Sultani M. Sultani	Chairman for Zanzibar
4. Dr. Ringo Tenga	Secretary General
5. Harold Jaffu	Deputy Secretary General
6. Evangelist Kamara Kasupa	Publicity Secretary
7. James Mbatia	Member, Central Committee
8. James Nyakyoma	" "
9. Kembo Migire	" "
10. Chiku Abwao	" "
11. Mosina Nyambabe	" "
12. N. Mashamba	" "
13. E. Sirikwa	" "
14. M. Madenge	" "
15. L. Nchimbi	" "
16. Makoyo Keziah	" "

4. The National Leadership of the Tanzania Peoples Party (TPP)

Name of Leader	Position
1. Dr. Alerck Humphrey Che-Mponda (Ph.D)	National Chairman
2. Mr. Leons Ngalai (Resigned) Vacant	National Vice Chairman Mainland
3. Mr. Boniface Mgodas (Resigned) Vacant	Vice Chairman - Zanzibar
4. Lukwembe Martin Lubombo	Secretary General
5. Livingstone J. Lusinde	Deputy Secretary-General
6. Greven Zephania Lyimo	Director Foreign Relations and Internal Affairs
6. Salim Said Mkumba	National Treasurer
7. Asha Matata	Director for Women and Children
8. Frederick Pastory Mukurasi	Director of Public Relations
9. Mohamed Salum	Deputy Director for Youth Culture and Sports

5. The National Leadership of the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP)

Name of Leader	Position
1. Leo Herman Lwekamwa	National Chairman
2. Julius Miselya	Vice Chairman-TZ Mainland
3. Farahani Mzee Farahani	Vice Chairman-TZ Zanzibar
4. Bonfice Mazula Mugetta	Secretary General
5. Mohamed Ally	Deputy Secretary General
6. Said Mohamed	Deputy Secretary General
7. Lema J. Mathias	Organising Secretary
8. Barnabas Kijika	Publicity Secretary
9. Prosper Rwegoshora	Senator
10. Abillah Mohamed	Senator
11. John Kaserwa	Senator
12. Sanjay Chudasma	Senator
13. Henry Semzighi Mdimu	Senator
14. Said M. Lwambao	Senator
15. Hassan Kimangale	Senator
16. Sosthenes Kolowa	Senator
17. Maliseli Nyawali	Senator
18. Hamisi R. Mwilu	Senator
19. Swed Abdallah Swed	Senator

6. The National Leadership of the National League for Democracy

Name	Position
1. Emmanuel J.E. Makaidi	Chairman (National)
2. Prof. John Semiono	National Vice Chairman
3. Revocatus Massawe	Vice Chairman (Tanganyika)
4, Oman Myaka Alli	Vice Chairman (Tanganyika)
5. J. August Mrema	Vice Chairman (Zanzibar)
6. Mayunga Nzinku N'tangalo	Party Trustee & Member of NEC
7. Mrs Salma Tayari	Secretary, Youth Sports and Culture
8. Mzee Juma	Secretary, Women & Children Affairs
9. George Mhina	E.C. Member Lindi Region
10. Abharman Mtola	E.C. Member DSM
11. Hassan Kihara	E.C. Member Pwani
12. Sheikh Shaibu Maburuki	E.C. Kilimanjaro & National Treasurer
13. Oman Kibangu	E.C. Member - Tabora
14. Mrs. Z. Mmasi	E.C. Member - (Tanga) Regional party
15. Allan Xavier Makaidi	E.C. (Tanga) Regional Chairman
16. Jumbe Alli Zumbeya	E.C. Member Mtwara
	E.C. Shinyanga

N.B. Pour members missing.

7. The National Leadership of the National Resistence Alliance

Name	Position
1. Ulotu A. Ulotu	Chairman
2. Salum R. Matiuga	Secretary General Deputy Principal-Almuntazir Islamic Seminary
3. Ferdnand Ngowi	National Treasurer/Act. Vice Chairman
4. R. Ntula	Head of Publicity of Mobilisation
5. Halidi Rashid	Vice Chairman (Act.) Zanzibar
6. Mariam Abubakar (Mrs)	Head Social Welf. of Women/children
7. M. Rose R. (Mrs)	Head of Organisation Dept.
8. A. Yotam	Head of Youth Organisation
9. Jullieth Mbagga (Mrs)	Member of Central Committee
10. Joseph Fruico	Act. Deputy Secretary General
11. R. Kang'ombe	Act. Deputy Secretary General

8. The National Leadership of the Tanzania Democratic Alliance TADEA

Name	Position
1. Flora Kambona	President
2. Abas. Z. Mtemvu	Vice-President (Mainland)
3. Sharif	Vice President (Zanzibar)
4. Dustan Lifa Chipaka	Secretary General
5. Cosmas Kanga	Publicity Secretary
6. Ramadhan B. Mbaya	Assistant Publicity Secretary

Appendix II

List of Political Parties in Tanzania at August 18th, 1994

Name of Political Party	Principal Office-Bearers	Location and Address of Head Office	Date of Full Registration and Registration Certificate No.
CHAMA CHA MAPINDUZI (CCM)	Ali Human Mwinyi, (Chairman) Horace Kolimba (Secretary General)	Kuu Street, Dodoma P.O. Box 50, Dodoma	1 July 1992 001/92
CIVIL UNITED FRONT (CUF-CHAMA CHA WANANCHI)	James K. Mapalala (Chairman) Shaban K. Mloo, (Secretary-General)	Mtendeni Street Urban District P.O. Box 3637, Zanzibar	21 January 1993 002/93
CHAMA CHA DEMOKRASIA NA MAENDELEO (CHADEMA)	Edwin I.M. Mtei, (Chairman) Bob Nyanga Makani, (Secretary-General)	Plot No. 922/7 Block 186005, Kisutu Street P.O. Box 5330, Dar es Salaam.	21 January 1993 003/93
THE UNION FOR MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY (MUD) OF TANZANIA	Abadallah Said Fundikira, (Chairman) Christopher Kasanga Tumbo (Secretary-General)	Tosheka Street No. 77 Magomeni Mapipa, P.O. Box 41093, Dar es Salaam	21 January 1993 004/93
NATIONAL CONVENTION FOR CONSTRUCTION AND REFORM (NCCR-MAGEUZI)	Mabere Nyaucho Marando, (Chairman) Dr. Ringo Tenga. (Secretly-General)	Plot No. 4 Mchikichini Street Kariakaoo Area P.O. Box 5316, Dar es Salaam	21 January 1993 005/93
NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY (NLD)	Emmanuel J.E. Makaidi, (Chairman) Michael E.A. Mhina, (Secretary-General)	Sinza D/73 P.O. Box 352. Dar es Salaam	21 January 1993 006/93
TANZANIA PEOPLE'S PARTY (TPP)	Dr. Alec Humphrey (Chairm).L. Lukwembe, (Secretary-General).	Mbezi Juu, Kawe, P.O. Box 60847, Kawe, Dar es Salaam	4 February 1993 007/93
UNITED PEOPLE DEMOCRACY PARTY (UPDP)	Khalfani Ali Abdulla, (Chairman), Ahmed M. Rashid. (Secretary-General)	Al Aziza, Restaurant, Kokoni Street, Narrow Street, P.O. Box 3903, Zanzibar	4 February 1993 008/93
NATIONAL RECONSTRUCTION ALLIANCE (N.R.A.)	Captain Abubakar Ulotu, (Chairman) Salim R. Matinga, (Secretary General)	House No. 4 Mvita Street, Jangwani Ward P.O. Box 10542, Dar es Salaam.	9 February 1993 009/93
POPULAR NATIONAL PARTY (PONA)	Wlfren R. Mwakitwange, Chairman Peter K. Terry, (Secretary-General)	Plot 104 Songea Street, Ilala, P.O. Box 21561, Dar es Salaam	5 April 1993 010/93
TANZANIA DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE PARTY (TADEA)	Flora M. Kambona, (Chairperson) John D. Lifa-Chipaka (Secretary-General)	Block "B" Plot No. 37 Buguruni Malapa P.O. Box 63133 Dar es Salaam	5 April 1993 011/93
TANZANIA LABOUR PARTY (TLP)	Leo Harman Lwekamwa (Chairman) Boniface Mazula Mugetta (Secretary-General)	Bungoni, Ilala Districts Suite 317 Box 7273 Dar es Salaam	24 November, 1993 012/93
THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC PARTY (UDP)	John Cheyo Chairman Richard Kasella Bantu Secretary-General	Rubada Building Suite 317 Box 5918 Dar es Salaam	24 March, 1994 013/94

Source: Office of the Register of Political Parties, P.O. Box 63010, Dar es Salaam.

Appendix III

Political Parties that have obtained provisional Registration as at August 18th, 1994

Serial No. Certificate of provisional registration	Name of Political Party	Principal Office Bearers	Date of provisional registration	Date of expiry of provisional registration
1. 00000032	UMOJA WA DEMOKRASIA NA USAWA (UDU)	Njema Y. Kasomwa Kitwana S. Farhan	5 October 1993	2 April 1994
2. 3000033	TANZANIA OVERTURE PEOPLE'S PARTY (TOP PARTY)	Yahya M. Said Farid Y. Mpepella	7 October 1993	4 April 1994
3. 00000034	TANZANIA DEMOCRATIC PARTY (TDP)	Israel Magessa Mwalimu H. Mberwa	28 October 1993	25 May 1994
4. 00000035	NATIONAL DEMOCRACY PARTY OF TANZANIA (NADEPA)	Abbasy A. Karonga Joseph Mbalwa	7 February 1994	4 August 1994
	NATIONAL ALLIANCE FOR MASS ADVANCEMENT (NEMA)

Source: Office of the Registrar of Political Parties.

APPENDIX IV

Parties that are Requesting Provisional Registration as at August 18th, 1994

1. NATIONAL DEMOCRACY FRONT (NDF)
2. TANZANIA PEOPLE JUSTICE PARTY (TPJP)
3. WORKERS PARTY
4. MAGEUZI ASILI

Source: Office of the Registrar of Political Parties

Appendix V

Spatial Distribution of Founder Members of The Opposition Parties

REGION	PARTY DISTRICT	NCCR-MAGEUZI	CHADEMA	CUF	UMD	TPP	NLD	PONA
ARUSHA	Arusha Urban	x	x			x	x	x
	Arumeru	x
	Babati			x
	Hanang		x
	Kiteto		x
	Monduli
	Mbulu		x	x
	Loliondo		x
DAR ES SALAAM	Ilala	x	x	x	x		x
	Temeke	x	x				x	x
	Kinondoni	x	x	x		x		x
DODOMA	Urban	x	x	x	x
	Rural					x	x
	Kondoa						x
	Mpwapwa	x	x		x
IRINGA	Iringa-Urban	x	x		x	x	x	x
	Njombe						x	x
	Makete
	Ludewa
	Mufindi				x			x
KAGERA	Bukoba	x		x	x			x
	Biharamulo	x
	Karagwe	x
	Muleba	x			x
	Ngara	x
KIGOMA	Kigoma	x	x	x	x			x
	Kasulu			x	x
	Kibondo			x	x
KILIMANJARO	Moshi	x	x		x		x	x
	Same		x
	Rombo			x	x	x
	Hai							x
	Mwanga		x
LINDI	Lindi			x		x	x	x
	Nachingwea			x		x
	Liwale			x
	Kilwa			x	x
MARA	Musoma	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Tarime	x	x
	Bunda	x	x		x
	Serengeti	x
MOROGORO	Morogoro	x	x	x		x	x	x
	Kilosa	x	x	x	x
	Ulanga			x
	Kilombero	x		x
MTWARA	Mtwara		x	x	x	x	x	x
	Masasi	x	x	x	x		x	x
	Newala		x	x		x	x	x
MWANZA	Mwanza	x	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Magu	x	x		x			x
	Kwimba	x	x		x
	Geita	x	x		x
	Sengerema	x	x		x
	Ukerewe	x
PWANI (COAST)	Kibaha	x	x	x		x	x	x
	Bagamoyo	x		x		x	x
	Kisarawe					x	x	x
	Rufiji				x	x
	Mafia			x		x		x
RUKWA	Sumbawanga	x	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Mpanda					x
	Nkasi		x
RUVUMA	Songea	x	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Tunduru			x		x	x	x
	Mbinga			x		x	x	x
SHINYANGA	Shinyanga	x	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Bariadi			x	x		x	x
	Kahama		x
	Maswa		x
	Meatu
SINGIDA	Singida	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Manyoni			x				x
	Iramba		x	x	x
TABORA	Tabora	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Igunga			x	x	x		x
	Nzega	x		x	x
	Urambo			x	x
TANGA	Tanga	x	x	x
	Muheza	x	x				x	x
	Korogwe						x
	Lushoto			x		x
	Handeni			x	x
	Pangani	x		x	x
KASKAZINI UNGUJA ZNZ	Kaskazini A		x	x
	Kaskazini B			x
	Mjini Magharibi	x		x	x	x	x	x
PEMBA	Mjini
	Pemba North	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Magharibi			x
	Pemba South			x				x
MBEYA	Mbeya	x	x	x	x	x	x	x
	Rungwe	x	x			x		x
	Mbozi	x	x				x
	Chunya		x		x	x	x	x
	Kyela							x
	Ileje		x				x	x

APPENDIX VI

The Political Parties Act

THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA

No. 5 OF 1992

I ASSENT,

A.H. Mwinyi
President

29^the May, 1992

An Act to provide for the terms, conditions and the procedures for the registration of political parties and for incidental or connected matters

[.......................................]

ENACTED by the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania

1. This Act may be cited as the Political Parties Act., 1992 and shall come into operation on 1st July, 1992			Short title and Commencement
2. This Act shall apply to Tanzania Zanzibar as well as to Tanzanian Mainland			Application
3. In this Act unless the context otherwise requires - "Minister" means the Minister for the time being responsible for legal affairs; "party" means a political party; "political party" means any organized group formed for the purpose of forming a government or a local authority within the United Republic through elections or for putting up or supporting candidates to such elections; "registrar" means the Registrar of political parties appointed under section 4 and includes deputy and an assistant registrar.			Interpretation
4. - (1) There shall be a Registrar of Political Parties in the office of the Prime Minister or in such other office as the President may determine who shall be appointed by the President.			Appointment of Registration
(2) There shall be a Deputy Registrar who shall be appointed by the President;
(3) The Registrar shall be responsible for the registration of political parties in accordance with the provisions of this Act and to perform any other function conferred by the Act.
(4) In the performance of his functions under this Act the Registrar shall from time to time consult the Minister.
(5) The Minister may appoint assistant registrars and such other officers and in such numbers as may from time to time be required to carry out the purposes of this Act.			Appointment of Assistant Registrars and other officers
(6) No suit shall lie against the Registrar, assistant registrar or other officer appointed under this Act for anything done or omitted to be done in good faith and without negligence in the performance of any function under this Act.			Protection of Officers
7. - (1) Subject to subsection (2) of this section, every political party formed in any part of the United Republic, shall apply to the Registrar in the prescribed manner to be registered as a political party.			Duty of political parties to register
(2) Notwithstanding the provisions of subsection (1) of this section Chama Cha Mapinduzi also known by the acronym CCM which was immediately before this Act, the sole political party for the whole of the United Republic shall, on the coming into effect of this act, and without further requirement, be deemed to have been fully registered as a political party and shall be issued with a certificate of registration in accordance with this Act.
(3) No organization shall operate or function as a political party unless it has first been registered in accordance with the provisions of this Act.			Registration
8. - (1) Every political party other than the political party registrable pursuant to subsection (2) of section 7, shall apply and be registered in two stages, after fulfilling all the conditions prescribed for each stage.
(2) Every political party shall first, be provisionally registered and issued with a certificate of provisional registration upon fulfilling the conditions prescribed in section 9.
(3) Every political party which has been provisionally registered and which in addition to the conditions prescribed in section 9, has this fulfilled the conditions prescribed in section 10, shall, not later than one hundred and eighty days from the date of provisional registration, apply to the Registrar for full registration.
(4) The provision registration of every party shall lapse and every provisional registration certificate shall cease to be of any effect at the expiry of one hundred and eighty days from the date of such provisional registration.
(5) The Registrar shall register and issue a certificate of provisional registration or as the case may be, a certificate of fill! registration to every party which fulfils all the conditions.
9. - (1) No political party shall qualify for provisional registration unless:-			Conditions for provisional registration
	(a) the founding members have applied for registration of the party in the prescribed manner;
	(b) the application has been accompanied with a copy of the constitution of the proposed party;
(2) Without prejudice to subsection (1) of this section no political party shall qualify for provisional registration if by its constitution or policy-
	(a) It aims to advocate or father the interests of:
		(i) any religious belief or group;
		(ii) any tribal, ethnic or racial group, or
		(iii) only a specific area within any part of the United Republic;
	(b) it advocates the breaking up of the union constituting the United Republic;
	(c) it accepts or advocates the use of force or violence as a means of attaining its political objectives;
	(d) it advocates or aims to carry on its political activities exclusively in one part of the United Republic; or
	(e) it does not allow periodic and democratic election of its leadership.
10. - (1) No Political party shall be qualified to be fully registered unless -			Conditions for full registration
	(a) it has first been provisionally registered;
	(b) it has obtained not less than two hundred members who are qualified to be registered as voters for the purposes of parliamentary elections from each of at least ten Regions of the United Republic out of which at least two regions are in Tanzania Zanzibar being one Region each from Zanzibar and Pemba; and
	(c) it has submitted the names of the national leadership of the party and such leadership draws its members from both Tanzania Zanzibar and Tanzania Mainland;
	(d) it has submitted to the Registrar the location of its head office within the United Republic and postal address to which notices and other communications may be sent.
11. - (1) Every party which has been provisionally registered shall be entitled -
	(a) to hold and address public meetings in any area in the United Republic after obtaining a permit from the District Commissioner for the area concerned for the purposes of publicising their party and soliciting for membership;
	(b) to the protection and assistance of the security agencies for the purposes of facilitating peaceful and orderly meetings;
(2) Every party which has been fully registered shall be entitled to put up candidates and to campaign for any candidate in any parliamentary or presidential election or in a local authority election.
12. - (1) No party formed or existing in any part the United Republic prior to the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar or prior to 5th February 1977, shall be revived or the name or acronym of such party be used by any political party to be registered under this Act.			Prohibition of the revival of parties and the establishment of branches etc.
(2) Subject to subsection (3) no person shall establish, form or allow to be established or formed any branch, unit, youth or women organization or other organ of any political party in any working place, school or other place of learning.
(3) For the purpose of this section places of residence for employees provided by the employer shall not be regardes as places of work.
(4) Any person who contravenes the provision of subsection (2) of this section is guilty of any offence and shall be liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding forty thousands shillings or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding twelve months or to both such fine and imprisonment and the court shall order the closure or disbanding of the branch, unit, youth organization or other organ of the party relating to the office.
13. - (1) The funds and other resources of political parties which have been fully registered shall derive from -			Funds and other resources of a party.
	(a) membership fees;
	(b) voluntary contributions;
	(c) the proceeds of any investment, project or undertaking in which the party has an interest;
	(d) subventions from the government;
	(e) donations, bequest and grants from any other source.
(2) Every party shall disclose to the Registrar any funds or other resources obtained by the party -
	(a) from sources outside the United Republic, whether obtained directly or through sources within the United Republic;
	(b) from foreign organizations stationed within the United Republic; or
	(c) from any person resident in the United Republic who is not a citizen of the United Republic.
(3) Any official of any party or other person liable to disclose to the Registrar on behalf of any party the funds or other resources of the party who fails to disclose or gives false information in relation to such funds or resources obtained by a party from sources outside the United Republic, shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction to a fine equal to the amount or the value of the resources not disclosed or in relation to which false information was given or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding twelve months or to both such fine and imprisonment.
14. - (1) Every political party which has been fully registered shall- (a) maintain proper accounts of the funds and property of the party; (b) submit to the registrar -			Submission of accounts and declaration of property
	(i) an annual statement of the accounts of the party audited by an auditor registered as an authorized auditor under the Auditors and Accounts (Registration) Act. 1972 and the auditors report on those accounts;		Acts 1972 No. 33
	(ii) an annual declaration of all the property owned by the party
(2) The Registrar after inspecting any accounts or report submitted pursuant to this section may, for the benefit of the members or the public, publish any matter relating to the funds, resources or property.
(3) The Registrar shall publish in the official Gazette, an annual report on the audited accounts of every party.
15. - (1) Subject to subsection (2) the Registrar may cancel the registration of any political party which has contravened any of the provisions of this Act or which has otherwise ceased to qualify for registration under this Act.			Power of Registrar to cancel
(2) The Registrar shall not cancel the registration of any party unless -
	(a) he has in writing informed the party concerned of the contravention of the loss of qualification and of the intention to cancel the registration;
	(b) he has received or failed to receive, within the period prescrived by him, any representations from the party concerned;
	(c) he has submitted to the Minister the intention to cancel the registration of the party together with any representations made by the party and the Minister has agreed to such concellation.
16. - (1) The decision of the Registrar on the registration or the cancellation of the registration of any party shall be final and shall not be the subject of appeal in any court.			Decisions of the registrar to be final
(2) Nothing in subsection (1) shall be construed to preclude judicial review of the decisions of the Registrar.
17. - (1) Every political party which has obtained a certificate of full registration shall appoint a board of trustees to manage the properties and any business or investment of the party.			Parties to appoint trustees
(2) Every board of trustees shall be duly incorporated under the Trustees Incorporation Ordinance and every party shall not later than sixty days from the date of full registration submit to the Registrar -			Cap. 375
	(a) the names and addresses of the members of the board of trustees; and
	(b) a copy of the certificate of incorporation
18. - (1) The Minister may make regulations for the purpose of carrying out or giving effect to any provision of this Act.			Regulations
(2) In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the power conferred by subsection (1) the Minister may make regulations-
	(a) prescribing the manner of registration of political parties under this Act;
	(b) regulating or restricting the use or the changes of names of political parties.
	(c) prescribing the forms which may be used for carrying out the provisions of this Act;
	(d) for securing the submission to the Registrar of accounts relating to the assets and liabilities, income and expenditure of political parties;
	(e) prescribing the fees in respect of anything to be done under this Act;
	(f) securing the submission to the Registrar of annual or other periodical returns relating to the constitution, objects and membership of political parties;
	(g) prescribing the rate and the manner in which subventions may be granted to political parties;
	(h) prescribing anything which is required, or it is necessary or desirable that it be prescribed for the better giving effect of this Act		Amendment of the Societies Ordinance Cap. 337
19. The Society Ordinance is hereby amended in subsection (2) in the definition "society" by deleting paragraph "(h)" and substituting for it the following new paragraph -			Acts 1992 No. 5
	"(h) a political party registrable under the Political Parties Acts, 1992."

Passed in the National Assembly on 8th May, 1992

G.F. MLAWA
Clerk of the National Assembly