![]() | The Long Road to Recovery: Community Responses to Industrial Disasters (UNU, 1996, 307 p.) |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Note to the reader from the UNU |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | 1 Improving community responses to industrial disasters |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | The nature of industrial disaster |
![]() | ![]() | Industrial disaster burdens |
![]() | ![]() | The evolution of responses |
![]() | ![]() | Routine disasters |
![]() | ![]() | Surprises |
![]() | ![]() | Coping with surprise |
![]() | ![]() | Reducing the impact of industrial disaster surprises: The range of choice |
![]() | ![]() | Recovering from surprise |
![]() | ![]() | Conclusions |
![]() | ![]() | Notes |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 2 Responses to Minamata disease |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | Who are the victims of Minamata disease? |
![]() | ![]() | Official recognition of Minamata disease and the initial response |
![]() | ![]() | Chisso's grip on the local community |
![]() | ![]() | The making of Minamata |
![]() | ![]() | Environmental destruction before Minamata disease |
![]() | ![]() | Neglect in preventing the spread of disease |
![]() | ![]() | Manoeuvres to avoid a ban on fishing |
![]() | ![]() | Obstacles to identifying the cause of Minamata disease |
![]() | ![]() | Efforts to halt the dumping of contaminated wastes |
![]() | ![]() | Problems associated with relief and reparations |
![]() | ![]() | Relief |
![]() | ![]() | Reparations |
![]() | ![]() | Measures to aid the fisheries |
![]() | ![]() | How the local community suppressed the victims |
![]() | ![]() | Conclusions |
![]() | ![]() | Editor's postscript |
![]() | ![]() | Chronology |
![]() | ![]() | Notes |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 3 Environmental contamination, community transformation, and the Centralia mine fire |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | Centralia: A dependent town |
![]() | ![]() | The Centralia mine fire |
![]() | ![]() | A stage model of industrial contamination |
![]() | ![]() | Conclusions |
![]() | ![]() | Implications |
![]() | ![]() | Recommendations |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 4 Seveso: A paradoxical classic disaster |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | Overview |
![]() | ![]() | The chemical release |
![]() | ![]() | Dioxin |
![]() | ![]() | The Seveso Directive |
![]() | ![]() | The European Community's institutional response to Seveso |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | The Directive and its annexes |
![]() | ![]() | Other institutional effects of the Seveso Directive |
![]() | ![]() | The lessons of Seveso |
![]() | ![]() | A model for managing uncertainty |
![]() | ![]() | Modelling the Seveso disaster |
![]() | ![]() | Modelling the Seveso Directive |
![]() | ![]() | Modelling the Karin B incident |
![]() | ![]() | A moral paradox |
![]() | ![]() | A scientific paradox |
![]() | ![]() | Industrial accidents, industrial society, and recovery |
![]() | ![]() | Conclusion: ''Seveso'' - A paradoxical symbol |
![]() | ![]() | Acknowledgements |
![]() | ![]() | Chronology |
![]() | ![]() | Notes |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 5 Long-term recovery from the Bhopal crisis |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | The Bhopal toxic gas leak crisis |
![]() | ![]() | Antecedents and failures |
![]() | ![]() | Inside the plant |
![]() | ![]() | Outside the plant |
![]() | ![]() | A multiple-perspectives understanding of crises |
![]() | ![]() | Recovery of the victims and their community |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Medical recovery |
![]() | ![]() | Economic recovery |
![]() | ![]() | Struggle for compensation |
![]() | ![]() | Victims remain victims |
![]() | ![]() | Recovery of Union Carbide |
![]() | ![]() | Financial restructuring |
![]() | ![]() | Legal battles and the ''sabotage'' defence |
![]() | ![]() | Recovery of the government |
![]() | ![]() | Political management of the crisis |
![]() | ![]() | Learning by government institutions |
![]() | ![]() | Implications for long-term disaster recovery |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Crisis morphology |
![]() | ![]() | The permanence of victims |
![]() | ![]() | Revising stage models of disasters |
![]() | ![]() | Policy implications |
![]() | ![]() | Note |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 6 Iranian recovery from industrial devastation during war with Iraq |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | Military and strategic context |
![]() | ![]() | Impacts of the war on human health and long-term habitability of the region |
![]() | ![]() | Human losses |
![]() | ![]() | Environmental damage |
![]() | ![]() | Damage to human settlements and the economy |
![]() | ![]() | Recovery from war |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | National reconstruction plans |
![]() | ![]() | Support from international organizations and local communities |
![]() | ![]() | Urban reconstruction |
![]() | ![]() | Housing reconstruction |
![]() | ![]() | Industrial reconstruction |
![]() | ![]() | Conceptual framework for a model of post-war reconstruction and industrial hazard recovery |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | A reconstruction strategy |
![]() | ![]() | The reconstruction process |
![]() | ![]() | Improving recovery and policy implications |
![]() | ![]() | Notes |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 7 The Chernobyl disasters Its effect on Belarus and Ukraine |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | The accident and its immediate aftermath |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | The accident is ''under control'' |
![]() | ![]() | Focus on the West |
![]() | ![]() | International cooperation |
![]() | ![]() | The affected community |
![]() | ![]() | Regeneration and recovery |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Victim action groups |
![]() | ![]() | International aid |
![]() | ![]() | Towards a model for nuclear and industrial accidents |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Stages of crisis management |
![]() | ![]() | Three Mile Island, 1979 |
![]() | ![]() | The international nuclear energy industry's response to Chernobyl |
![]() | ![]() | Summary |
![]() | ![]() | Suggestions for a general model of recovery from industrial accidents |
![]() | ![]() | Acknowledgement |
![]() | ![]() | Chronology |
![]() | ![]() | Notes |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | Media sources |
![]() | ![]() | 8 The Exxon Valdez oil spill, Alaska |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Introduction |
![]() | ![]() | The oil industry and the spill |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | The accident |
![]() | ![]() | Historical and cultural contexts |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | The Katmai eruption |
![]() | ![]() | The great Alaskan earthquake |
![]() | ![]() | The oil spill: Community impact |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Psychological, social, and cultural impacts |
![]() | ![]() | The villages |
![]() | ![]() | Town responses |
![]() | ![]() | Recovery |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Litigation initiatives |
![]() | ![]() | The communities |
![]() | ![]() | Organizational responses |
![]() | ![]() | New risks |
![]() | ![]() | Other kinds of recovery activities |
![]() | ![]() | But, what is recovery? |
![]() | ![]() | Conclusions |
![]() | ![]() | Chronology of the first 10 days |
![]() | ![]() | Notes |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | 9 Signposts on the road to recovery |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Surprising events and disquieting outcomes |
![]() | ![]() | Responding effectively to industrial disaster surprises |
![]() | ![]() | (introduction...) |
![]() | ![]() | Awareness |
![]() | ![]() | Information |
![]() | ![]() | Action |
![]() | ![]() | Recommendations |
![]() | ![]() | References |
![]() | ![]() | Contributors |
"Seveso" (the event as it has passed into myth) contains paradox and contradiction. At the outset, the dominating factor was dread, because of the possibility of economic and personal devastation caused by an unclean invisible agent - the dioxin that had defoliated Viet Nam. But, as the possibility of malformed babies subsided, dread gave way to a reassertion of community. In spite of this local success, Seveso remained a symbol of calamity: the European Community Directive is known by it, and even the notifiable sites are informally named after it. Thus, the symbol remains potent, figuratively and legally, outside Seveso itself while, inside, the visible traces of the accident have been disappearing.
But, as the recovery continues, the paradoxes of Seveso provide new lessons for reflection about future policy. The moral paradox relates to the institutional aspects of the accident: had there been some regulatory framework, whereby the firm's liability for the accident could have been absolved, there is a chance that the firm's response would not have been so appropriate. The moral basis of recovery could then have been severely impaired and the subsequent history not so encouraging. However, if it turns out that the parent company was actually confessing to a lesser sin (an avoidable accident) in order to conceal a greater one (production of chemical weapons), then the paradoxes in the Seveso experience will have become very complex indeed.
The scientific paradox continues to have its effects, through uncertainty about the effects of dioxin. With the continued absence of conclusive evidence of illness, almost twenty years afterwards, the lesson of the Seveso disaster has been reversed. Now a new message is conveyed by Seveso - one of reassurance that low-level dioxin contamination is, after all, innocuous. Of course, this optimism will last only as long as there is an absence of recorded health effects, and it is susceptible to modification in light of periodic reports from the ongoing monitoring programme.
It would be incorrect to interpret these paradoxes simplistically and then to write off Seveso as yet another notorious disaster that did not really happen. There is now a powerful reaction against the prophets of imminent ecological doom: apparent false alarms are being used as proof that our high-technology culture can absorb and recover from all sorts of disasters, industrial as well as natural.
An ecological awareness that connects industry with its environment societal as much as natural - teaches that "disaster" and "recovery" are each total events. It is no longer possible to "externalize" the costs of consumer society. The various traditional "sinks" have become finite and reactive. There is now nothing "outside" the global industrial system, which predominantly serves a fortunate fraction of the world's people. Seveso is truly a paradoxical and contradictory symbol; to interpret it simplistically, either for alarm or for reassurance, would be a serious error, for history and for policy.