Donor Commitments
International donors play an important role in getting programs
started, and also later in helping them expand. Donor funding typically
increases over time - although government funding generally rises much faster -
as a program tries to reach a larger clientele and becomes more skilled and
sophisticated in doing so. Donor funding usually declines when a program is
fairly mature and well-established.
In several ways, donors find family planning programs ideal
humanitarian programs. These programs benefit the poorest in society, those
unable to afford such a basic service on their own, and they benefit women in
particular. They provide households not only with a concrete service but also
with the opportunity to better their lot and improve the prospects for their
children. Programs now have a record of success in many countries, but still
have a long way to go and require much further assistance in others. Besides
their personal benefits for individuals and households, programs also open up
opportunities for societal development through the reduced dependency burden. By
releasing some pressure on resources, they allow societies the time and
opportunity to develop more sustainable modes of interacting with their
environments.
Family planning assistance is not comparable in its immediate
commercial benefits to "foreign aid" programs that directly promote exports, but
the benefits it does provide may be wider and longer lasting.5 If
developing countries can be assisted in achieving low population growth and
progressive economies, the benefits to the donor countries of growing markets,
increasing international division of labor, and expanded export and investment
opportunities could be considerable. In the United States, the leading donor in
this area, a third of economic growth in the past decade has been generated by
exports (Bergsten, 1997), and strong economies overseas have been essential to
this. The American "economic future is increasingly tied to growing foreign
markets,"6 as the stock market gyrations in October 1997
demonstrated. In addition, strong economies in developing countries promote
political stability and facilitate cooperation on international problems, from
drugs and crime to global warming to uncontrolled migration.7
5And they could be potentially greater,
if the other programs involve significant trade diversion rather than trade
creation.
6Joe Lockhart, in explaining Bill Clinton's foreign
travel (Wall Street Journal, 15 Oct 1997).
7A list of such arguments for tax-supported foreign
aid is provided by Cohen (1997). Quantifying such benefits is largely a
speculative exercise, but if one considers all foreign aid from all sources, the
benefits in trade promoted, wars avoided, and environmental damage averted are
reportedly thousands of times the cost of the assistance (O'Hanlon and Graham,
1997). With regard to migration, it is not being argued that reducing migration
produces economic benefits. Within limits and with qualifications, the reverse
appears to be the case (Smith and Edmonston, 1997). But a lawful, controlled
process - though not necessarily a restrictive one - is desirable.
In line with its activist foreign policy, the United States has
been the leading international donor in population and family planning, with
about half of all contributions and an overseas staff and technical advisers who
constitute the bulk of such donor expertise in the field in developing
countries. However, the U.S. share of contributions diminished in the late 1980s
and has not recovered to previous levels. In fact, U.S. population assistance
fell 20 percent from FY 1995 to FY 1996 and fell a further 10 percent in FY
1997.8 How other donor countries will react to this is difficult to
predict.
8Reported figures for these years are
US$541.6 million, $432 million, and $385 million. For FY 1998, no change is
expected.
As the United States has become increasingly engaged with the
rest of the world - through expanding trade and alliances; through international
agreements on security assistance, drug enforcement, environmental protection,
etc.; and through the growing band of American expatriates, whose numbers have
risen by 50 percent in the 1990s9 - its commitment to assisting needy
countries appears to have actually diminished. The United States devotes less of
its GNP to all official development assistance than any of the other 20 leading
industrial economies. Per capita, U.S. official development assistance in all
areas is equivalent to a contribution of US$0.70 per week from each American, as
contrasted with US$2.00 from each Japanese and more than US$5.00 from each Dane
and Norwegian.10 U.S. assistance is declining at the same time that
assistance from all OECD countries combined is also declining: by 6 percent from
1995 to 1996, leaving the OECD countries less than half way to their target of
devoting 0.7 percent of their GNP to reducing world poverty (Randel and German,
1997).
9Excluding soldiers and diplomats
(Knowlton, 1997).
10Estimates of official development assistance are
for 1994 (World Bank, 1997a, p. 304) and are compared with the 1995
population.
Relative to other countries, the United States puts more of its
development assistance into population - 4 percent in 1993, 5 percent in 1994,
and a reported 9 percent in 1995 (when reproductive health began to be counted
by UNFPA [1997a], and all U.S. development assistance fell by
one-fourth11). Even the sharply higher proportion in that single
year, however, meant that support for population and reproductive health in
developing countries costs each American only a penny a day.
11According to OECD, net U.S. official
development assistance fell from US$9.9 billion in 1994 to $7.4 billion in 1995,
then recovered somewhat to $9.4 billion in 1996.
These pennies have added up and made a difference, but the U.S.
role has been much deeper than that of a program financier. Many of the ideas
and initiatives that carried international family planning from a long-shot,
almost desperate attempt to alleviate developing-country poverty to the levels
of sophistication and success it enjoys in some countries found their
inspiration in U.S. think tanks and universities and their implementation with
the support and advice of American agencies. U.S. support for strong population
policies has been ubiquitous, sometimes pushing governments farther than they
have been ready to go. Subsequent technical assistance has helped build
institutions in certain countries that can contribute in a lasting fashion. The
commitment of the United States and other donor countries to human rights and
democratic principles has also been important in ensuring the voluntary
character of these programs wherever these donors have been
involved.