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close this bookExporting High-Value Food Commodities: Success Stories from Developing Countries (WB, 1993, 119 p.)
View the document(introduction...)
View the documentForeword
View the documentAcknowledgments
View the documentExecutive summary
View the documentI. Introduction
close this folderII. Economic and institutional issues in the marketing of high-value foods
View the documentMarketing high-value food products
View the documentFood commodity systems: Organization. coordination, and performance
close this folderCommodity system competitiveness
View the document(introduction...)
View the documentDeterminants of competitiveness
close this folderGeneric barriers to entry and coordination in food commodity systems
View the document(introduction...)
View the documentFood product technical characteristics
View the documentFood commodity production characteristics
View the documentProduction support by marketing enterprises
View the documentProcessing and distribution functions
close this folderTechnologies, institutions. and other solutions to generic food marketing problems
View the document(introduction...)
View the documentTechnological measures
View the documentLaws, rules, and standards
View the documentSpot marketing trading
View the documentReputations, brand names and advertising
View the documentPersonalized trading networks
View the documentBrokerage
View the documentContract coordination
View the documentCooperatives/associations/voluntary chains
View the documentVertical integration
View the documentGovernment intervention
close this folderIII. Synthesis high-value food commodity system ''Success stories''
View the document(introduction...)
close this folderSelected dimensions of commodity systems performance
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View the documentCost advantages and product/service differentiation
View the documentAdditional performance indicators
View the documentInternational market environment
View the documentMacroeconomic conditions. human capital. and infrastructure
View the documentGovernment support and interventions
close this folderCommodity system organization coordination
View the document(introduction...)
View the documentCompetitive structure
View the documentInstitutional arrangements linking producers with processors/exporters
View the documentInstitutional arrangements linking exporters with foreign markets
View the documentForeign capital and technology in the case study subsectors
View the documentIV. Summary and lessons
View the documentBibliography
close this folderAppendix The development and performance of case study commodity systems
View the document(introduction...)
View the documentMexico fresh tomatoes
View the documentKenya 'off-season' and specialty fresh vegetables
View the documentIsrael fresh citrus fruit
View the documentBrazil frozen concentrated orange juice
View the documentChile temperate fruits and processed tomato products
View the documentProcessed tomato products
View the documentArgentina beef
View the documentThailand poultry
View the documentThailand tuna
View the documentChile fisheries
View the documentCultured shrimp production and trade in China and Thailand
View the documentSoybean development in Brazil and Argentina
View the documentDemand-driven agricultural diversification in Taiwan (China)
close this folderDistributors of World Bank Publications
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View the documentRecent world bank discussion papers

Institutional arrangements linking exporters with foreign markets

3.53 Table 16 summarizes the institutional linkages (during the mid-to-late 1980s) between exporters in the focal subsectors and foreign market buyers or agents. Once again, the table indicates that while open market sales occur in each case, such sales constitute the dominant linkage to foreign markets in only three of the commodity systems. Spot market sales or sales on consignment are very important in the exports of Chilean temperate fruits, Israeli citrus, Argentine beef, Brazilian and Argentine soybeans, and PRC shrimp. In all but the last of these cases, shipments are made over very long distances to well-developed markets, featuring major wholesale outlets or mercantile commodity exchanges. Until recently, the bulk of Chinese shrimp exports have been undertaken either at periodic trade fairs in the country or via Hong Kong commercial agents.

Table 16: Institutional Arrangements Linking Exporters with Foreign Buyers/Agents

Commodity System

Market Coordination

Contract Coordination

Ownership Integration

Government Coordination

Mexico Tomatoes

X

X

XX


Kenya Fresh Vegetable

X

X

X


Chile Temperate Fruit

X

X

X


Israel Fresh Citrus

X

X



Brazil FCOJ

X

XX



Thailand Poultry


X

XX


Argentina Beef

XX

X

X

X

Thailand Tuna

X

X

XX


Thailand Cultured Shrimp


X

X


China Cultured Shrimp

X



X

Brazil Soybean

XX

X

X

X

Argentina Soybean

XX

X

X

X

XX denotes the dominant linkage in the industry

3.54 At least a portion of trade in nearly all the cases occurs in the context of seasonal, annual, or other contracts. Some 80% of Brazil's FCOJ exports to the U.S. are conducted within the framework of long-term contracts with multinational beverage manufacturers/distributors. While most of the subsectors feature some trade conducted on an intra-firm basis by local or multinational companies, such intra-firm trade is dominant in the cases of Mexican tomatoes and Thai poultry and tuna. Approximately 60% of the vegetable distributors based in Nogales, Arizona (the U.S. entry point for most Mexican winter vegetables) are partners with Mexican producing/packing companies, while 20% of these distributors are owned outright by Mexican firms. Three Japanese companies handle virtually all of Thailand's exports of frozen chicken parts to Japan. Thailand's leading tuna canners have integrated forward into major markets, buying up leading import/distribution firms. Approximately 25% of Kenya's fresh vegetable (and fruit) exports are conducted with overseas firms which are affiliated through familial ties with Kenyan exporters.

3.55 These long-term contractual ties or ownership linkages have been important in maintaining market access, in penetrating rapidly expanding marketing channels (e.g. for retail chains), in obtaining detailed and up-to-date information on market conditions and consumer tastes, in reducing uncertainties regarding payments, and in assuring continuity of supplies so to benefit from (national or foreign) brand name promotion. In circumstances where product demand and/or distribution channels needed to be built up from an only rudimentary base, such personalized trade or ownership linkages provided an effective framework (See Box 6). In several cases, including Mexico tomatoes, Chile fruit, Brazil FCOJ, Argentina beef, Thai poultry, and Brazil soybean, long-term foreign trading partners have actively campaigned for continued supplier access to industrialized country markets in the face of pressures by domestic producers for protection against imports.

Box 6: Developing a Market Through Personalized Trading Networks

For the past quarter century, one of the core components of Kenya's expanding horticultural has been the export of needy two dozen "Asian vegetables. (including chilies, karela, okra, dudhi, etc.) to the United Kingdom to serve that country's expanding Asian minority communities. development of this trade was built upon a series of highly personalized trading relationships, quite distinct from the mainstream U.K. fruit and vegetable marketing system.

Beginning in the 1960s and continuing through the 1970s, there was a rapid expansion in the UK's population of individuals of South Asian ethnic origin. Fueled by immigration as well as relatively high birth rates, this population reached 550,000 in 1971 and over one million by 1980. Exhibiting a preference for certain traditional foods and lacking acceptable local substitutes for many these foods, there developed a large tin-met demand for a wide range of fresh vegetables which, for agro-climatic reasons, could not be grown locally. An import trade in "Asian vegetables first emerged in the early 1960s when several small-scale Indian merchants began receiving produce consignments from India and selling this produce from the parking lot of Heathrow Airport. Within a few years, Kenya would replace India as the primary "Asian vegetable" supplier. Kenya's entry into this market was eased by the fact that most of that country's leading produce exporters were Asian owned family companies with experience in the production and trade of "Asian vegetables ".

By the early 1970s, some of the parking lot importers acquired vans and began making deliveries to London-based retailers; others developed wholesale distribution centers nearby to the primary mainstream wholesale markets. Still, the trade remained small and the market undeveloped, especially outside of London. This would change in 1973, when a senior partner in Kenya's largest fresh produce company emigrated to the U.K. anti established his own import/distribution company.

This firm would re-shape the 'Asian vegetable' market by developing a network of secondary wholesalers and retailers within London and distribution networks within the major cities id the Midlands. The firm's family-affiliated supplier in Kenya responded to the market opening by rapidly expanding supplies. This integrated export - U.K. distribution operation soon became the leading actor in this market, setting the standards for quality and strongly influencing the levels of import end wholesale prices.

By the late-1970s, Kenya's other leading produce exporters also developed highly personalized, long-term trading arrangements with selected importer/distributors in the U.K. In some cases, the trading firms were linked by family ties; otherwise, connections: were made through mutual friends and business associates. Both on the Kenyan and U.K. sides, the primary actors in this 'Asian vegetable' trade remained small-to-medium scale Asian-owned family operations. Whether or not there were family ties, the typical framework for trade was seasonal contracts specifying the range of products to be traded, required quantities and delivery days, negotiated fixed prices, and payment arrangements. Most Kenyan exporters developed and maintained trade links to buyers based in several . different cities so to achieve wider distribution and minimize direct competition among their buyers.

These personalized and long-term trading arrangements facilitated improved information flows, lowered exporter markets risks and buyer procurement risks, reduced the risks faced by - exporters of importer payment failure or false quality claims, enabled the: firms to bypass exchange controls and otherwise take advantage of currency fluctuations, and enabled the firms to undertake joint efforts to test and promote new commodities. Secure exporter-importer ties provided the confidence to exporters to expand their trade and diversify their product range and the confidence of importers to search out new distribution change, including those serving multiple-chain retailers.

3.56 As indicated earlier, in several of the cases, governments have either directly negotiated deals with foreign government importing agencies or have negotiated access and entry terms for private exporters into foreign markets. Those signified in the table relate only to direct trade deals.