Access to Lund and Property
The ownership of land and the distributions of land rights
influence the productivity of labor and capital resources and the incentive to
invest in resource management Private property rights. in particular. are
associated with increased access to product and factor markets. especially
credit markets. and to public services such as public utilities and agricultural
extension. However. relatively little direct evidence exists to link independent
owner of land by women with increased access and productivity. One obstacle to
empirical work is that women s access to land and property is often mediated
trough marriage (A married woman land rights are frequently limited to use
rather than ownership.) Future more. complex systems of land tenure make it
difficult to generalize about the effects of owner ship on productivity. None
some evidence suggests that independent land rights for women could enhance both
the efficiency with which resources are used and the well-being of women and
their households: (Agarwal 1994).
The possibility of receiving credit may give e women greater
bargaining power within the household which can be used to improve child health
and nutrition.
While independent land rights may increase efficiency and
household welfare, lack of secure land appears to be associated with low
investments by women in land conservation. In Zimbabwe's communal areas, land
that a women acquires is often allocated to her only temporarily: for example,
the location of land allotment received from husbands or borrowed from neighbors
is usually subject to periodic change (Jackson 1993). The same is true in parts
of West Africa (David 1992 Jackson 1994). Uncertainly about the permanence of
their control over the land means that women may be reluctant to invest in
improvements that will benefit the landowner rather than the user.
A significant trend in recent decades in developing countries
has been the move toward private ownership In some countries this trend has been
encoulagecl by reforms dealing with land redistribution tenancy or land titling
Such reforms are considered important for promoting long-term investments and
the adoption of the latest technology They also provide the collateral people
need to gain access to credit and other factor markets Ironically, evidence also
suggests that perform inequalities in male and female land rights are reinforced
by land reform programs For example, in Latin America most reforms are based on
the premise that the man of the household its the household head. This
presumption means that women (except for widows and ownership. Even where women
and men benefit equally from land reform differences exist between nominal and
real land rights (see box 2.3).
In the central part of European Russia and in Moldova the lands
and assets of state and collective farms are being parceled out in allotments as
part of wider economic reforms. Every person who lived and worked on a
collective farm receives a share of the land Data show that although on average,
women have received a slightly higher proportion of land shares than men, the
nonland capital assets of the old farms ale being distributed as property shares
on the basis of a formula heavily weighted toward an individual's wage rate and
years of employment. Such criteria favor men over women and give men more
valuable property chares. Dividends paid on these property shares also tend to
be higher than those paid 011 land shares Holt 1995).
Land reform programs that fail to account for gender differences
in rights
Box 2.3 who gets access to land? Honduras and Cameroon
Honduras' Agrarian Modernization Law of 1974 includes a
provision giving men age 16 or older the right to access to land, independent of
any other qualification. For women. however, this right is restricted to
unmarried mothers or widows with dependent children. Furthermore. if a male
beneficiary dies or becomes incapacitated. the law gives preference in
inheritance rights to a male child over the child's legally married mother. Some
30 percent of rural Honduran households are headed by women at least part time
because of the seasonal migration of men to look for work (Saito and Spurling
1992). |
In the northwest and southwest provinces of Cameroon. an
estimated 50 percent or more of those who claimed land within the first ten
years of land registration (1974-85) were classified as public servants. Over 32
percent of all the remaining land titles went to businesses.
Women make up more than 51 percent of Cameroon s population and
do more than 75 percent of the agricultural work. but they are virtually absent
from land registers. Only 3.2 percent of all land titles issued in the Northwest
Province were given to women; in the Southwest Province the figure was 7.2
percent. For the country as a whole. it is estimated that women obtained under
10 percent of all land certificates (World Bank 1995a). to own. use, and
transfer land may actually exacerbate the insecurity of women's land claims and.
as a result, harm household welfare. For example, there is evidence that land
titling focused on male household heads has adversely affected women's ability
to farm independently. Moreover. intrahousehold inequalities in income and
decisionmaking have increased (FAO 1993) In Africa some titling programs have
allowed men to take advantage of their control over land to redesignate land
formerly cultivated by women as household land. This switch provided the
opportunity for men to increase the amount of work they expect from women on
household plots. In other cases women have received smaller and less fertile
plots than they had before for their personal crops (FAO 1993).
Recognizing women's independent claims to land is therefore an
important issue in property reform. In poor households. having rights to land
could alleviate both women's own poverty and the household's risk of remaining
poor. The season is mainly that women s access to economic resources has a
positive effect on household welfare (Agarwal 1994). From the point of view of
efficiency, secret land tenure increases the incentive to manage resources
efficiently and expands access to formal credit markets. Because secure land
tenure can mean greater productivity, it may also increase the household's
incentives to invest in women's human
capital.