![]() | Daughters of Sysiphus |
![]() | ![]() | Infrastructure - physical and social |
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This chapter looks at the kind of infrastructure to which different kinds of household have access. The critical question of water supply is addressed, an issue that is nearly as important as income and tenure in determining the quality of shelter available to low-income households. Access to sewage- and garbage-disposal systems are discussed as are the various forms of fuel used for cooking. Lastly, the social infrastructure within the settlements where people live is analysed from the perspective of the heads of household and their perceptions concerning support from outside the family unit itself.
Most respondents in the low-income household survey had some access to water on a regular basis. However, the quality of this access varied considerably. The kind of water source and the numbers of people who shared it made a considerable difference to the hardship which different households experienced in getting water. As can be seen from table 18, there were only marginal differences between households in the kind of water source they used. Just over half of the respondents had water piped into the dwelling they occupied, with a further one third having it piped into their yards. Only 10 per cent were dependent on some other source, most often a public stand-pipe.
Table 18. Percentage of different types Or household by principal water source
Type of household |
Principal source of water |
||||
Piped to dwelling |
Piped to yard only |
Public |
Neighbor |
Other |
|
Female - headed |
52 |
38 |
5 |
3 |
3 |
Male-headed |
61 |
28 |
3 |
6 |
2 |
Joint-headed |
55 |
35 |
5 |
2 |
2 |
Overall |
55 |
35 |
5 |
3 |
2 |
a / River. stream nearby institution. private tank.
To a large degree the kind of access that respondents had to water was determined by the area where they lived. In nine of the 42 areas surveyed over half the respondents had water piped into their yard only and there were three areas in particular where more than a third of the respondents were dependent on a public standpipe supply.
Levels of sharing of water supply were also high with nearly one third of the respondents indicating that they shared their water source with 25 or more people. The levels of sharing increased dramatically from the inner city which was relatively well supplied to the peripheral areas of the city where water supply was often a major problem for residents.
Some differences between different types of household emerged when it came to the kinds of payment people made for water. However, these were not particularly significant and can largely be accounted for by the higher likelihood of female-headed households being renters. Under most rental agreements the owner of the property is expected to pay the water bill. When the owner has a number of tenants on the same property he or she often arranges for shared payment of the bill. Over one quarter of the households were not paying any water rates at all and less than a third were making payments on an individual basis.
Respondents were asked about where they bathed. Again no significant levels of difference were found between different types of households as can be seen from table 19.
Table 19. Percentage of different types of households by kind of bathing faculty
Type of facility |
Type of household |
|||
Female- headed |
Male- headed |
Joint- headed |
Total |
|
Inside private |
49 |
50 |
52 |
50 |
Inside shared |
8 |
8 |
9 |
8 |
Outside private |
15 |
12 |
13 |
14 |
Standpipe in yard |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
Standpipe nearby |
I |
1 |
0 |
0 |
River of gully |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
Pail or plastic bath |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
Other |
2 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
None |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
Auntie
People in Auntie's household travel two and a half miles to obtain fresh water which has to be carried back on a minibus. This process costs at least $30 a week. They get the water from the public standpipe at Greenwich Farm. Initially they could get water from a dredging operation which is much closer to them. However. two years ago the man who controls that pipe stopped people using it because his wife had been abused by people from the area.
Deula
"I get water from the fallin (see below). First I used to get it from the Centre (a nearby training centre). I had a hose and I just used to get it from the Centre but I stopped on account of this man that sou sou." (This man is a local caretaker at the nearby institution - the Centre who is well known for exchanging access to the water supply he controls for sexual favours). "So now the new standpipe is in I still use a hose but I just catch four drums and use it." (The new standpipe has just been installed as an "experimental" project to establish whether squatters will honour contracts they take out for supply with the National Water Commission and which are guaranteed by a local nongovernmental organization. Normally owner/occupier status is required for a connection to be made. For the last two years the Government has ceased to either install or maintain public standpipes because of "full cost recovery policy". )
Women who live in Highlight View where Deula lives carry water for up to a mile when they wish to bathe so that they can do it in the privacy of their own yards. Men in the community however shower directly under the "fallin" which is a strong flow of water that falls out of a pipe protruding from the hillside. The "fallin" drops down into the valley below and serves as a water source for many hundreds of people.
Icie
"We have a pipe in the yard but not in the house. We have a sewer outside but not a pit toilet. We have to pull the chain. Twelve people use the pipe. We get water regularly. When the bill comes we pay it because otherwise it get lock off and I can't bother carry water.
Lena
"We don't have a pipe in here. I get water from next door with a hose. I don't pay them anything because they don't pay water rate. The landlady in this yard never had enough money when the Government came in to bring the water to the yard."
Marcia
"I have an inside and outside pipe for water. I do my washing outside in the washroom. I share it with around seven other people. "
Megan
Water is obtained from a standpipe about half a mile away. Over 200 people use the same standpipe she uses. Sometimes the pressure is low and the waiting is too long so she has to walk for miles to get water.
Pansy
One of Pansy's main problems is the water. Although the sites-and-service scheme included a planned water supply the National Water Commission has never actually connected the supply because the residents have never received titles to their land from the Government. The ability to produce a land title is considered a prerequisite for connection.
Pansy gets water from a business place nearby her house. She uses a hose to fill drums and pays $30 monthly to the business. This water is used for all domestic purposes including flushing of the WC which is located inside the house. Other people in the area carry water from a nearby standpipe.
Verona
Water comes "under the fence" through a hose connected to a neighbour's supply but the water connection at the neighbour's is illegal and no water rates are paid. She showers in an open bathing area at the back of the yard.
Toilets
Female-headed households were more likely than other households to be sharing toilet facilities as can be seen from table 20.
Table 20. Percentage Or different types Or household by toilet arrangements
Type of toilet arrangement |
Type of household |
||
Female- headed |
Male- headed |
Joint- headed |
|
Shared |
46 |
33 |
41 |
Private |
54 |
67 |
59 |
Auntie
Defaecation is done in pails with the faeces being dumped in the sea. It is impossible to build a pit latrine because the household lives right at sea level.
She doesn't like the lack of toilet and water facilities or the rats. They swim over in the nights and eat the chickens. The lack of light is also a problem as is the presence of sand and dust which gets particularly bad when there is a stiff breeze.
Deula
"I made it since I came. It was me alone here, the children didn't come here and I was doing a bar work and I end up coming here late at night and I didn't have much use using a latrine because I had somewhere else that I could really do it. And then now I get somebody to dig the hole and this gentleman help me to build it up. I buy the cement and boards and things and slab it."
Lena
"I dug a pit and we put two drums in there. We didn't pack it with any stone. Then I got a toilet bowl and put it over it. We use drum water (to flush it. ) I put a padlock on my toilet. They (the landlady's household) use the yard. That's why I want to move - I can't tek it anymore. They don't dig a pit because they say it harbour too much roach."
Letty
She has an inside flush toilet.
Marcia
"We have an inside toilet. There is an outside one in case. About four of us use the toilet."
Megan
She feels ashamed that she does not have a bathroom or a toilet of her own and that she has to use her neighbour's.
Pam
Pam has problems with the woman she shares her house with and most of these problems centre on the toilet.
"But she nasty. She don't clean the bathroom and yet she's the first to use it when you just done clean it. I tell her. look, the children are small, mek them use the chimmie or once they say they want to use the toilet you don't just tell them go and use it - go behind them and see that everything is OK. What if I have a friend who come to look for me and need to use the toilet and the toilet is in a nasty condition."
Verona
The household uses a pit latrine.
Female-headed households were the least likely to have a metered electricity supply with less than half of the female heads interviewed having this facility (see table 21). Electricity obviously contributes in many ways to a household. Refrigeration and safe lighting are just two examples. One of the greatest dangers faced by low-income households with children is the use of kerosene lamps and candles in board rooms where children sleep and play. Nearly every week the local papers report deaths of children when wooden houses are burnt down as a result of accidents with kerosene lamps or open fires.
Auntie
They have no electricity in the area and the fish is preserved in an old freezer which they pack with block ice that they buy off the ice truck each morning.
Kerosene lamps are the only source of light at night.
Table 21. Percentage of different types of household by main source of light
Type of household |
Source of light |
|||
Electricity |
Kerosene |
Gas lamp |
Candle |
|
Female-headed |
49 |
35 |
14 |
2 |
Male-headed |
56 |
28 |
11 |
5 |
Joint-headed |
57 |
35 |
7 |
1 |
Overall |
54 |
33 |
11 |
2 |
Deula
No electricity. uses lamps.
Lena
"I applied for a meter and got light early because I didn't like the darkness but I never did get a meter."
Letty
She has metered electricity.
Megan
They use electricity from an illegal connection.
Pam
Pam shares her light bill with a woman who shares the same house. They often argue.
"I don't really have a problem with the light because if she don't pay it I just go ahead and disconnect it because it comes from my room so I control it. The light bill come to $200 and she pay $20 for a bulb and she quarrel still."
Verona
Light is provided by means of an illegal electrical hook-up which is pulled down when men from the Jamaica Public Service Company come into the area and then put up again as soon as they have gone.
Female-headed households proved a little more likely to use charcoal and kerosene, the cheaper fuels. They were less likely to use the more convenient but also more expensive propane gas which is sold in cylinders. Many of the households have outside kitchens. This is a traditional practice and makes sense if you live in a wooden house and if you are using wood or charcoal to cook with (see table 22 ). Given that one of the major hazards of living in a wooden house is the likelihood of fire, the more expensive fuels are preferable if they can be afforded because they tend to be more controllable.
Table 22, Percentage of different types of household by type of fuel used
Type of household |
Type of fuel |
||||
Wood |
Charcoal |
Kerosene |
Gas |
Electricity |
|
Female-headed |
34 |
34 |
23 |
41 |
0 |
Male-headed |
4 |
21 |
24 |
50 |
0 |
Joint-headed |
3 |
20 |
25 |
45 |
0 |
Icie
"Kerosene oil stove cause problem. I use wood. We use a beeny (very small) round hot plate."
Letty
She uses a mixture of gas and kerosene to cook and uses an outside kitchen.
Marcia
"We have a little oil stove for cooking. We used to use gas but it get bad so we use the oil stove. Sometimes we use a coal pot."
Megan
They mainly use charcoal as a cooking fuel but sometimes use gas when they can afford it.
Pansy
Pansy uses wood and coal for cooking because she considers gas in cylinders too expensive.
Verona
All the household's cooking is done on a charcoal fire. Charcoal costs $15 a bag and lasts about three nights.
Garbage disposal was not a problem for most of the respondents. The women who found it a problem were the women who were located in peripheral areas of the city.
Auntie
Garbage is dumped in the sea because the trucks from the Metropolitan Service that come from Portmore will not stop. The garbage is a problem but the worst thing is when the Sandy Gully floods and garbage from the city is washed into the sea. A lot of this garbage eventually ends up on the beach right in among the houses.
Letty
Garbage is dumped in the gully as the garbage collection people don't reach this far.
Deula
The garbage trucks never come to the area. She uses some of the garbage for compost and has built herself a compost area with a bamboo enclosure. She dumps the rest of the garbage in the gully.
In the low-income household survey. 75 per cent of the respondents indicated that they had no individual or institution to whom they would be able to turn for help if they found themselves in trouble. Those who were able to give a name, usually gave the name of their Member of Parliament or a private individual respected in the local community. One of the saddest findings of the survey was that less than 7 per cent of the respondents interviewed believed that they had ever had any assistance from government with respect to land, water or housing. To a large degree this lack of expectation of help from government was borne out by the in-depth interviews with female heads of household. The vast majority of them believed that they would have to solve their own problems because no-one else was interested in helping them.
The stories that the women told, however, referred again and again to support or "backative" that they had received from their female friends and relatives. In some cases, particularly Pearl's and Deula's, this support had come from male relatives.
Some of the women also placed a considerable value on being known and liked in their community. They were particularly concerned about feeling safe. Violence is a common feature of low-income areas in much of Kingston and, for many women, the avoidance of violence has become a way of life. Security, in this sense is therefore of great importance to them and plays a major part in determining their attitude to the community around them.
Marcia
"I've never had any assistance from government. Nobody has ever assisted me. If I get a loan I would love to try setting up a shop but I've never tried to get anything from government. I don't even know who the Member of Parliament for the area is."
Icie
"I like where I live because you don't have a lot of worries like shooting, chopping up and fighting. No sir, I can't take the violence. This area is very good. Police down August Town (a nearby area) every night. They shoot, they kill. I would like to see the road fix and have a light further down. The road is dark. A lot of people live down this lane. The other night a neighbour came with a paper to sign to take the Member of Parliament to get light and I sign it. I hope it achieves something. "
Megan
Her mother is her main backative. She brings food from the country.
Megan feels the area is safer than areas she has lived in before because it has its own security system provided by the ranking.
"The people are loving and although we do not have enough to give each other in things such as food, we always try and help each other in events such as when the community needs cleaning up, and buying things in the stores in Town and running errands."
Marcia
"I have two good friends. We know each other from school day, from primary school in the country and I'm telling you they never leave me nor forsake me. Most of the time when I'm down to nothing, don't even have two dollars. When I'm at work I can just call and say 'Bookie, I need something, things get low.' And she say, 'OK, how much you need?' And I say 'As much as possible, what you can afford.' And I'm telling you as she coming man, at least she giving me what she can afford, and clothes that she see and she pay a part of it. Good friend better than pocket money. Yes Sir."
Pansy
She likes the community because she feels safe there.
1. Adequate water supply is a critical factor in women's lives. The current policy of installing water supplies on a total-cost-recovery basis can lead to severe deterioration in the water-supply system, a deterioration which has a particularly negative impact on women and children. The costs of not providing water through a public standpipe system and of not allowing private water connections without owner-occupier status being provable may well be higher in the long term than the cost that these connections would entail to the national economy. Indirect costs of lack of water are particularly important with respect to increases in health problems.
Further work should be carried out on women's real access to water and the effects that it has on their and their children's lives. Implications for national water policy should be clearly delineated and steps taken to act on them.
2. Information on safe pit latrine construction techniques should be made available to women as well as men who live in areas where no mains sewer system exists. This information should preferably approach the whole question of sewage disposal from the perspective of a woman. such as Deula, who has responsibility for designing her own system and should be well illustrated with women evident in the illustrations as active participants in the building process.
3. Many low-income settlements lack the social cohesion normally associated with the term community. Shelter interventions often ignore this fact. The most successful interventions have often been those that have incorporated, from the beginning of the project. a community development component. Unfortunately budgetary cuts within the public sector often entail the cutting of the rare community-service divisions of housing development agencies. Community-service divisions should. on the contrary, be strengthened so that their capacity for outreach is improved. In addition community-service workers should be trained in appropriate community development methods.
4. Non-governmental organizations and community-based organizations often operate very successfully at the community level because of their ability to relate to low-income people directly. Their activities should be supported and their capacity to act in shelter-related areas should be strengthened. A special emphasis should be placed on support for those organizations that have a clear policy of support for women's activities and concerns.